北京共識(shí)

出版社：中港傳媒出版社作者：斯蒂芬·哈爾珀譯者：王鑫,李俊宏等
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用戶評(píng)論 (總計(jì)2條)

　　本書(shū)主題是「北京共識(shí)」，指的是中國(guó)以獨(dú)裁政權(quán)、但又融合市場(chǎng)資本主義的「中國(guó)模式」，協(xié)助非洲等第三世界國(guó)家的發(fā)展，對(duì)立抗衡於先前美國(guó)政治強(qiáng)調(diào)新自由主義型態(tài)的「華盛頓共識(shí)」模式。
　　
　　我讀的是臺(tái)灣翻譯的繁體本，覺(jué)得作者並非如導(dǎo)言臺(tái)灣大學(xué)朱雲(yún)漢教授所說(shuō)「西方為中心出發(fā)」的研究觀點(diǎn)，擔(dān)憂中國(guó)是否挑戰(zhàn)西方統(tǒng)治世界之霸權(quán)地位那麼偏頗。雖然說(shuō)作者分析中有貶低中國(guó)國(guó)家資本主義 (State-directed capitalism) 模式的意味，包括他質(zhì)疑以大量金錢堆積起來(lái)的軟實(shí)力或霸權(quán)，是否為第三世界國(guó)家能夠與願(yuàn)意去學(xué)習(xí)與模仿，中國(guó)這樣的發(fā)展路徑。但作者的學(xué)術(shù)嚴(yán)謹(jǐn)性是站得住腳的。
　　
　　首先，他作是以國(guó)際政治經(jīng)濟(jì)角度，加上統(tǒng)計(jì)資料豐富，個(gè)人覺(jué)得讀來(lái)不悲不亢、邏輯推理合理、並沒(méi)有帶任何情緒化字眼，即便作者是美國(guó)人。
　　
　　其次，他並指出一個(gè)重點(diǎn)：中國(guó)協(xié)助第三世界國(guó)家是以利益本身為出發(fā)點(diǎn)，而不是美國(guó)的民主自由理念來(lái)協(xié)助其發(fā)展。手段諸多中國(guó)透過(guò)投資與貸款，來(lái)和協(xié)助建設(shè)與能源的交換等等。另方面，即便非洲國(guó)家統(tǒng)治者等買帳，也是想繼續(xù)維持獨(dú)裁政權(quán)，不是真的喜歡中國(guó)這樣的模式，因?yàn)橹袊?guó)不會(huì)干涉其內(nèi)政要求民主化。換句話說(shuō)，第三世界獨(dú)裁領(lǐng)袖是從「北京共識(shí)」和「華盛頓共識(shí)」當(dāng)中，挑一個(gè)最方便的途徑，而不是真心喜歡中國(guó)模式。
　　
　　總之，作者以反省美國(guó)在開(kāi)發(fā)中國(guó)家的失敗，中國(guó)可學(xué)習(xí)之處，但也質(zhì)疑「北京共識(shí)」的持續(xù)性
　　
　　可惜的是臺(tái)灣出版社用「北京說(shuō)了算」的副標(biāo)題「北京說(shuō)了算」可能誤導(dǎo)了讀者。
　　
　　The purpose to write this book is to provide insight look and strategic suggestions to the
　　U.S. which is necessary as the author mentioned in the preface “If it is not met in the decade
　　ahead, U.S. will be left in a world unsympathetic to the democratic values and principles.”
　　
　　A way of division of the context is that it includes the reason of China’s success, the trap
　　of China behind its stability and prosperity, and how should the U.S. face the challenge which
　　includes the economic, politic and cultural challenge.
　　
　　The book firstly explained the threat or rising of China in three perspectives, economic,
　　politics and culture. In the first half of the book is mainly about the background information and
　　analysis about China like China’s overseas propaganda including the government’s promotion
　　about China overseas using large budgets, Taiwan issues including Obama’s “talk and do less
　　approach” to cross-straits relations.
　　
　　In terms of the economic threat of China, It also starts with backgrounds information and
　　analysis, like as China holds a lot of U.S. bonds; China has much interest in keeping the U.S.
　　economy and the U.S. dollar stable as do America. China’s flow of money with low interest rate
　　also helps boost the U.S.’s economy. This information is coherent with what was concluded in
　　the last few chapters, China and U.S. economy is bonded to each other and there is a possibility
　　of damage to both in terms of protectionism.
　　
　　The situations in other countries like the Russia and the Middle East was also mentioned
　　to illustrate the idea of “taxation effect.” These countries charge less tax because they have
　　rich natural resources to rely on. Less taxation helps relive government from the pressure for
　　democracy. (Halper, 2010)This perspective is very important as it links to the later explained
　　situation of the China, people today answers.
　　
　　The “one fits all policy” of IMF may not suit each country’s situation. And as some country
　　has to forge certain requirements like the human right, democracy first, the country may take
　　long time to get the financial aid. While China can support them construction programs without
　　those requirements, many countries that were turned down by the western countries, now turn
　　to China.
　　
　　What’s more, China also “step in” the western “failures.” The smaller, poorer countries
　　are approached by China with flattery, feting them with honors and receptions they wound
　　not receive from the west. “China is good at using new-found financial strength to forge new
　　relationship in the developing world and so change the complexion of international affairs.
　　Although China’s technology is not good as the western, these small countries believe China
　　better that China is “willing to share.”
　　
　　But I personally think that China’s willing to give more than it can earn to the African
　　countries also has something to do with the culture related to 2,000 years of feudalism. In
　　history of China, the emperor was willing to give huge fortune to foreign countries just to boost
　　and brag the prosperity in its own country. I think the custom has some impact on the elites of
　　ruling who don’t need to ask for permission to show off from its own people who may starve in
　　the west and lack funding of education in a non-democratic society.
　　
　　In terms of politic, China is using the exchange of economic benefits to the African countries
　　and others for more support in the international stage on issues like human rights, Taiwan, Tibet,
　　and sovereignty. Graphs of details of economic relationship between China and many small
　　countries were shown. China gains politic support on aspects like “isolating Taiwan,” “Market-
　　
　　economy status of WTO.”
　　
　　In terms structure of politic and economic, China is somewhere between the predominantly
　　capitalistic and predominantly command and control. The author concluded that China’s model
　　cannot be copied as others lack many factors like the population, legacy of Confucius, high saving
　　rates, the strong work ethic…
　　
　　But I personally don’t agree with the author on this point. Actually different countries also
　　have its superiority. I think in countries like South and East Asia, many countries has similar
　　advantages.
　　
　　“Asian democracy has to be expected to look different from the western type – less
　　permissive, more authoritarian and focusing on the common good rather than the individual
　　goods.” (Halper, 2010)
　　
　　This quote was really important as it links the political structure to the culture of east.
　　I agree with this view a lot. The two thousand years of China’s history definitely rooted in
　　the culture of China and make it different with the U.S. The author described this context
　　as “Confucius and Jefferson.”(Page 250) This comparison is not suitable enough. But I can
　　understand the author as it is hard to find a character in the U.S. culture to compare Confucius
　　who can equal to Confucius’s impact on ideology, politic structure and daily life of people.
　　
　　As for the culture, the author described that Chinese is changing from “we generation”
　　to “me generation” which emphasis on individual interest. “Exceptionism” is also getting
　　popular. Chinese are complaining certain particular things but not complaining the system itself.
　　
　　The China’s trap was spotted by the author. This is a very smart conclusion “China has
　　to grow at a high octane rate to prevent side effects of miracle growth, like deeper unrest or
　　challenge to central authorities.” (Page 138) The trap is that China’s high-speed growth has
　　aroused many side effects, but the demand of growth restricts the ability to solve it. This is really
　　on the point. It answers to many unsolved questions and the reflection of China’s model.
　　
　　This trap is reflected in many ways, the patriotic education which leads to nationalist,
　　the angry youth and internet users, and the environment problems. It says that the Chinese
　　government has been very flexible in control and solving of these issues. But I disagree with
　　it. I think the government has far more to do in this and this is really a China’s trap where the
　　Communist Party diggers deeply in.
　　
　　China has to keep the low price of fuel to keep a low good price which ensures the jobs of
　　millions like the trackers but stimulated great consumption in fear of social unrest. But on the
　　other hand, it leads to serious pollution. But Beijing cannot solve it all as it is in a trap.
　　
　　China’s central government has limited ability to control the behavior of local officers. This
　　leads to serious problems like bribes, corruption and pollution.
　　
　　In the last chapters, the author sniffed to the perspective of the U.S. It described the
　　disputed opinions about China-U.S. relationship in separate groups which “China is coming to us”
　　and that “China is coming to buy us.”
　　
　　The fear of China has many outcomes. And the fear of China also dates back to the history in
　　the U.S. when large wave of Chinese immigrants came to the U.S. and lowered the labor price.
　　
　　Protectionism is rising and many voices advocating limits on China’s exports existed. The
　　benefit of increase the value of “yuan” to the U.S. is not that good, according to the author.
　　He said even if the prices of Chinese export goes up, the factories will simply move to other
　　countries but not back to the U.S.
　　
　　As described in beginning, China’s large trade surplus turned into American bonds and low
　　
　　interest rates, which boost the U.S. economy. A very important reminder to the Washington is
　　that the U.S. “can’t have it both ways, the Chinese can give us money, or they can give us back
　　some jobs, but not both.”
　　
　　In my opinion, it explained the U.S. political trap well as the administrations did not
　　understand the situation of U.S.-China trade relationships well and put strong insist on “stronger
　　yuan.”
　　
　　A very important conclusion drew by the author is that the real challenge of China is not in
　　economic but in politic and cultural. I think just as the author said, “optimism” produced by many
　　schools which believes that their system is still the most superior, many Americans may hold
　　the “optimism” value for more time.
　　
　　The author quoted that “The most important fact that no one can sensibly try to present
　　the ‘real story’ or the ‘overall picture’ of this country. It is simply too big and too contradictory.”
　　(Page 206) But I think the author answers part of the complex answer well, yet I still have some
　　disagreements.
　　
　　This book is really beneficial to me as it helps me to understand why the elites of the ruling
　　policy like “development and stability comes first.” It’s “fact first, conclusion later” writing style
　　is really what I admire. The bird view of China is really thought-provoking and helps me better
　　understand China.
　　
　　Halper, S. A. (2010). The Beijing Consensus: how China's authoritarian model will dominate the
　　twenty-first century: Basic Books.

北京共識(shí)

用戶評(píng)論 (總計(jì)2條)

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