出版時(shí)間:2000-12 出版社:上海外語(yǔ)教育出版社 作者:[美]Michael Levenson 編
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前言
《劍橋文學(xué)指南》是上海外語(yǔ)教育出版社從海外引進(jìn)的一套研究、介紹外國(guó)文學(xué)的叢書(shū),內(nèi)容涉及作家、作品、文學(xué)流派、文學(xué)史等諸多方面。作者均為在該領(lǐng)域有著較深造詣的專家、學(xué)者?! ?現(xiàn)代主義研究》是該叢書(shū)中的一本?! ‖F(xiàn)代主義是一個(gè)相當(dāng)寬泛的概念,代表著從19世紀(jì)后半葉到20世紀(jì)中葉的整整一個(gè)時(shí)代。這是一個(gè)流派紛呈的時(shí)代,象征主義、未來(lái)主義、表現(xiàn)主義、達(dá)達(dá)主義、超現(xiàn)實(shí)主義、意識(shí)流此起彼伏,各展風(fēng)采。涉及的范圍包括繪畫(huà)、雕塑、建筑、詩(shī)歌、小說(shuō)、戲劇等等。當(dāng)我們說(shuō)起現(xiàn)代主義時(shí),我們很自然地會(huì)想起塞尚、凡高、馬蒂塞、畢加索或是馬拉美、葉芝、梅特林克、喬伊斯、伍爾夫、龐德、艾略特。在哲學(xué)和社會(huì)科學(xué)領(lǐng)域里,又有尼采、海德格爾、維特根斯坦、弗洛伊德等或?yàn)槠澍Q鑼開(kāi)道,或?yàn)槠渫撇ㄖ鸀憽>同F(xiàn)代主義文學(xué)而言,有人將法國(guó)的波特萊爾和美國(guó)的愛(ài)倫·坡視作其遠(yuǎn)祖。此說(shuō)有一定的道理。 本書(shū)是一本論文集,由10名英美著名學(xué)者分別對(duì)19世紀(jì)末到第二次世界大戰(zhàn)期間的英美現(xiàn)代主義文學(xué)流派及文化思潮進(jìn)行深入而全面的評(píng)述。內(nèi)容包括現(xiàn)代主義的形而上學(xué)、現(xiàn)代主義的文化經(jīng)濟(jì)、現(xiàn)代主義小說(shuō)、現(xiàn)代主義詩(shī)歌、現(xiàn)代主義戲劇、現(xiàn)代主義和文化政治、現(xiàn)代主義和性、視覺(jué)藝術(shù)、現(xiàn)代主義和電影等。本書(shū)卷首刊出的現(xiàn)代主義作品年表和卷尾的現(xiàn)代主義導(dǎo)讀索引,為在本領(lǐng)域進(jìn)一步研究提供極有價(jià)值的導(dǎo)向,可幫助讀者排除困難,自如地接近現(xiàn)代主義?! ”緯?shū)的讀者對(duì)象為大學(xué)外語(yǔ)教師,外國(guó)文學(xué)研究人員,外國(guó)文學(xué)專業(yè)的研究生、博士生,以及具備了較高英語(yǔ)閱讀能力的外國(guó)文學(xué)愛(ài)好者。 上海外語(yǔ)教育出版社 2000年12月
內(nèi)容概要
《現(xiàn)代主義研究》是一本論文集,由10名英美著名學(xué)者分別對(duì)19世紀(jì)末到第二次世界大戰(zhàn)期間的英美現(xiàn)代主義文學(xué)流派及文化思潮進(jìn)行深入而全面的評(píng)述。內(nèi)容包括現(xiàn)代主義的形而上學(xué),現(xiàn)代主義的文化經(jīng)濟(jì)、現(xiàn)代主義小說(shuō)、現(xiàn)代主義詩(shī)歌、現(xiàn)代主義戲劇、現(xiàn)代主義和文化政治、現(xiàn)代主義和性、視覺(jué)藝。
書(shū)籍目錄
List of illustrationsList of contributorsChronologyIntroductiN_1 The metaphysics of Modernism2 The cultural economy of Modernism3 The modernist novel4 Modern poetry5 Modernism in drama6 Modernism and the politics of culture7 Modernism and gender8 The visual arts9 Modernism and filmFurther readingIndex
章節(jié)摘錄
Opposed to subscriptions. It developed displays to be set up at newstands, and it aggressively cultivated a larger metropolitan public. (Eliot counseled Thayer to pursue the same course in Britain, urging him to "arrange for the paper to be visible and handy on every bookstall, at every tube station. 35) Again, when the Dial published The Waste Land and announced that Eliot would receive the journal's annual Dial Award, Thayer ordered the staff to keep track of every reference to these events in the press, an early form of market testing.36 Above all, the Dial imitated the central principle which lay behind the success of Vanity Fair and its sister journal Vogue: in an era when most publishers were attempting magazines aimed at a mass market, Condé Nast and Vanity Fair deliberately appealed to a select, restricted audience. Indeed, the Dial was acutely conscious of its competition with Vanity Fair, a theme that recurs in letter after letter by Thayer. To his mother he complained that contributors and staff members of the Dial were writing too frequently for Vanity Fair. To his managing editor he lamented, "If we have no aesthetic standards whatever, in what respect are we superior to Vanity Fair which in other respects gives more for the money?" A month later Thayer urged him to hasten the printing of a new photograph "lest 'Vanity Fair' get ahead of us on this point too." And four months later he ordered him to secure rights to a new painting by Picasso: "Otherwise Vanity Fair will be getting it." How closely the market for the two journals overlapped became clear when the Dial issued its special art folio in mid 1923. Eager to stimulate sales, Thayer begged Seldes to intervene: "Cannot you get Rosenfeld to write the thing up for Vanity Fair, which is our most important selling possibility? "37 To be sure, the Dial and Vanity Fair were not twins. By comparison the Dial was a modest operation. Its $9,300 in advertising revenues was tiny when compared to the $500,000 per annum generated by Vanity Fair. Paid advertising also occupied less space: in the November 1922 issue which printed The Waste Land, 271/2 of the 156 pages (or in percent) were taken up by advertising. Compare this with the July 1923 issue of Vanity Fair, which contained a selection of Eliot's earlier poems: here 76 out of 140 pages were devoted to paid advertising (54 percent), and many articles offered fashion and automobile reviews that were advertising thinly disguised. In 1922 the Dial's circulation stood at 9,200 copies per month;in the same year Vanity Fair's reached 92,000.38 Yet this latter figure should not mislead us into confusing Vanity Fair with mass-circulation periodicals such as the Saturday Evening Post or McClure's, whose circulations were numbered in millions, not thousands. Vanity Fair shared with those magazines a recognition of the primacy ofadvertising, but it adapted that principle to different ends. Conde Nast. Vanity Fair's owner and publisher, was a pioneer in what is now called niche marketing. He recognized, in other words, that a variety of luxury consumer goods required not a mass audience, but a more select one of well-to-do readers. His task was to capture that audience and sell its purchasing power, its large amounts of disposable income, to advertisers,“Anything high-priced," Nast contended, "is better advertised in a period-ical with readers of a special type - people of breeding, sophistication and means."39 Nast began Vanity Fair after he had already been successful with magazines covering fashion (Vogue) and interior decoration (House and Garden), and in his third venture he adopted the same approach to the topic of arts and leisure: ideas were to be treated as matters of style, asintellectual fashions, not as eternal verities. Vanity Fair, whose first issue appeared in September 1913, might well be defined as a periodical counter- part to the Coliseum: it appealed to the same audience increasingly defined by onsumption, by the purchase of luxury consumer goods, and by stylishness in all things. Eliot, as we know, elected to publish The Waste Land not in the Little Review or Vanity Fair, but in the Dial. There were several reasons for this.One was a simple matter of personal finances. The Dial offered to give Eliot the annual Dial Award of $2,000 as a price for the poem, even though officially it would pay only its standard rate of$ I5o.oo. And because Eliot had already reached an agreement for the book publication with Horace Liveright, raising the possibility that sales of the Dial might detract from sales of the book version, the Dial also agreed to purchase 350 copies of the first printing. Vanity Fair could not match such sums; the highest price it ever paid to any contributor was $100, given to E Scott Fitzgerald for a short story. The Little Review, cast adrift by Quinn, could no longer pay contributors at all. The massive patronage provided by Thayer and Watson created an artificial space in which it was possible, on some occasions, to earn more money by publishing for fewer readers. Another reason, no doubt, was the intangible issue of status and popularity. Vanity Fair was not a popular magazine of the same sort as the Saturday Evening Post, but its substantial circulation and light-hearted tone could not sound the note of aesthetic gravity associated with the Dial. Eliot wanted his poem to be successful, but not too successful. The relationship between the three journals was partly a synchronic or tructural one, partly a diachronic or temporal one. Each represented a moment in the growth and triumph of Modernism. When Eliot suggestedthe Little Review as a potential publisher in early 1922, his proposal looked back to the world of Modernism's past. ……
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