哈佛經(jīng)典（全套50冊）

內(nèi)容概要

Few books besides the Bible have been translated ,printed, and read as often as the Pilgrim's Progress. John Banyans classic allegory of christian ,the Pilgrim, on his perilous journey to the Celestial city has touched hearts and minds for more than theree hundred years-and still the demand continues .the best part of English Puritanism has here its most adequate and characteristic expression, while the intensity of Bunyan's religious fervor and the universality of the spiritual problems he deals wits have elevated the work into a great religious classic of the world. The Life of Dordogne was written by Walton in 1640 as an introduction to a collection of Donne's sermons; and thirythy years later was issued in volume with lives of Sir Henry Wotton, Richard Hooker, and George Herbert, the charming personality of Walton himself, and the clarity and delicacy of a style of high artistic simplicity ,set off a narrative in whichfacts are not allowed to obscure the outlines of a character drawn with loving admiration,Fwe bulky official lives succeed in giving readers so vivid a picture of personality as these aketches from the hand of lzaak Walton.

作者簡介

查爾斯•愛略特（Charles W. Eliot，1834-1926）生于美國馬薩諸塞州波士頓。他在哈佛以全班第二名畢業(yè)，留校任教。1869年被任命為哈佛大學(xué)校長，年僅35歲，并擔(dān)任了40年（1869-1909）之久的校長。在此期間，他大膽改革課程設(shè)置，鼓勵學(xué)生選修課程，增辟三所學(xué)院，改善法

書籍目錄

THE PILGRIM'S PROGRESSTHE FIRST PART  THE AUTHOR'S APOLOGY  THE PILGRIM'S PROGRESS,IN THE SIMILITUDE OF A DREAM  THE CONCLUSIONTHE SECOND PART  THE AUTHOR'S APOLOGY  THE PILGRIM'S PROGRESS,IN THE SIMILITUDE OF A DREAM  THE AUTHOP VINDICATION OF HIS PILGRIM,FOUND AT THE END OF HIS HOLY WARTHE LIFE OF OR.DONNETHE LIFE OF MR.GEORGE HERBERT

章節(jié)摘錄

The same necessity which secures the rights of person and property against the malignity or folly of the magistrate, determines the form and methods of governing, which are proper to each nation, and to its habit of thought, and nowise transferable to other states of society. In this country, we are very vain of our political institutions, which are singular in this, that they sprung, within the memory of living men, from the character and condition of the people, which they still express with sufficient fidelity ,-and we ostentatiously prefer them to any other in history. They are not better, but only fitter for us. We may be wise in asserting the advantage in modern times of the democratic form, but to other states of society, in which religion consecrated the monarchical, that and not this was expedient. Democracy is better for us, because the religious sentiment of the present time accords better with it. Born democrats, we are nowise qualified to judge of monarchy, which, to our fathers living in the monarchical idea, was also relatively right. But our institutions, though in coincidence with the spirit of the age, have not any exemption from the practical defects which have discredited other forms. Every actual State is corrupt. Good men must not obey the laws too well. What satire on government can equal the severity of censure conveyed in the word politic, which now for ages has signified cunning, intimating that the State is a trick？The same benign necessity and the same practical abuse appear in the parties into which each State divides itself of opponents and defenders of the administration of the government. Parties are also founded on instincts, and have better guides to their own humble aims than the sagacity of their leaders. They have nothing perverse in their origin, but rudely mark some real and lasting relation. We might as wisely reprove the east wind, or the frost, as a political party, whose members, for the most part, could give no account of their position, but stand for the defence of those interests in which they find themselves. Our quarrel with them begins, when they quit this deep natural ground at the bidding of some leader, and, obeying personal considerations, throw themselves into the maintenance and defence of points, nowise belonging to their system. A party is perpetually corrupted by personality. Whilst we absolve the association from dishonesty, we cannot extend the same character to their leaders. They reap the rewards of the docility and zeal of the masses which they direct. Ordinarily, our parties are parties of circumstance, and not of principle; as, the planting interest inconflict with the commercial; the party of capitalists, and that of operatives; parties which are identical in their moral character, and which can easily change ground with each other, in the support of many of their measures. Parties of principle, as, religious sects, or the party of freetrade, of universal suffrage, of abolition of slavery, of abolition of capital punishment, degenerate into personalities, or would inspire enthusiasm. The vice of our leading parties in this country （which may be cited as a fair specimen of these societies of opinion） is, that they do not plant themselves on the deep and necessary grounds to which they are respectively entitled, but lash themselves to fury in the carrying of some local and momentary measure, nowise useful to the commonwealth. Of the two great parties, which, at this hour, almost share the nation between them, I should say, that, one has the best cause, and the other contains the best men. The philosopher, the poet, or the religious man will, of course, wish to cast his vote with the democrat, for free-trade, for wide suffrage, for the abolition of legal cruelties in the penal code, and for facilitating in every manner the access of the young and the poor to the sources of wealth and power. But he can rarely accept the persons whom the so-called popular party propose to him as representatives of these liberalities. They have not at heart the ends which give to the name of democracy what hope and virtue are in it. The spirit of our American radicalism is destructive and aimless: it is not loving, it has no ulterior and divine ends; but is destructive only out of hatred and selfishness. On the other side, the conservative party, composed of the most moderate, able, and cultivated part of the population, is timid, and merely defensive of property. It vindicates no right, it aspires to no real good, it brands no crime, it proposes no generous policy, it does not build, nor write, nor cherish the arts, nor foster religion, nor establish schools, nor encourage science, nor emancipate the slave, nor befriend the poor, or the Indian, or the immigrant. From neither party, when in power, has the world any benefit to expect in science, art, or humanity, at all commensurate with the resources of the nation.

媒體關(guān)注與評論

胡適先生稱《哈佛經(jīng)典》為“奇書”：“奇書，指是日所送來的《五尺叢書》，又名《哈佛叢書》，是哈佛大學(xué)校長伊里鶚(Eliot)主編之叢書，收集古今名著，印成50巨冊，長約五英尺，故有“五尺”之名。我國著名語言學(xué)家、哲學(xué)家趙元任先生更加認(rèn)同《哈佛經(jīng)典》：“我瀏覽了《哈佛經(jīng)典》（Harvard Classics），雖然我想不久離開芝加哥，我仍然買了一套《哈佛經(jīng)典》。”北京師范大學(xué)著名心理學(xué)教授陳會昌先生向?qū)W生推薦：“《哈佛經(jīng)典》是美國哈佛大學(xué)所有學(xué)生必修的課程，是哈佛大學(xué)建校以來著名教授們經(jīng)多年選擇確定的人類最重要的學(xué)術(shù)遺產(chǎn)清單。學(xué)習(xí)這些著名，同時(shí)也是對學(xué)生進(jìn)行人文精神教育。通過學(xué)習(xí)這門課程，學(xué)生們可以了解自古代希臘、羅馬以來人類歷史上影響最大的一些人文學(xué)術(shù)著作，包括歷史學(xué)、政治學(xué)、倫理學(xué)、宗教、文學(xué)、戲劇、經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)等各方面內(nèi)容。向我國大學(xué)生介紹這份清單，可以幫助我們了解，國外的大學(xué)生接受什么教育，他們平時(shí)讀什么書，可能具備什么人文知識，他們可能會形成什么樣的價(jià)值觀念?！?  　　——新華社《新華網(wǎng)》

編輯推薦

《哈佛經(jīng)典(全套50冊)》：“先有哈佛，后有美國”就像兩千多年前的雅典學(xué)院，或者中國山東曲阜的"杏壇"，哈佛已經(jīng)取得人類文化教育上的"經(jīng)典"地位。從1636年建校至今，哈佛已培養(yǎng)出了7位美國總統(tǒng)、40名諾貝爾獎得主和30名普利策獎獲獎?wù)?。這是一個(gè)高不可攀的紀(jì)錄。在360多年的歷史發(fā)展過程中，它在所有的專業(yè)領(lǐng)域中都追求著獨(dú)一無二的名牌大學(xué)的水平，在《美國新聞與世界報(bào)道》的美國最好的大學(xué)排行榜中長年位居榜首。它培養(yǎng)了數(shù)不清的社會精英，其中包括政治家、科學(xué)家、企業(yè)家、作家、學(xué)者和卓有成就的新聞記者。在全美500家最大的財(cái)團(tuán)中有2/3的決策經(jīng)理畢業(yè)于哈佛商學(xué)院。星光璀璨的哈佛學(xué)子遍布世界各地。我國從哈佛畢業(yè)而負(fù)有盛名的學(xué)者有：現(xiàn)代科學(xué)教育的開拓者和物理學(xué)界的先驅(qū)胡剛復(fù)，現(xiàn)代地理學(xué)和氣象學(xué)的奠基人竺可楨，史學(xué)家、古文字學(xué)家陳寅恪，作家、語言學(xué)家林語堂，文學(xué)家、翻譯家梁實(shí)秋，建筑學(xué)家梁思成，以及美籍中國電子專家王安、建筑專家貝聿銘等等。哈佛人以"先有哈佛，后有美國"而自豪。在1775-1783年這8年美國獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭中，幾乎所有著名的革命者都是哈佛當(dāng)年的畢業(yè)生。如美國《獨(dú)立宣言》起草人之一、美國第二任總統(tǒng)約翰·亞當(dāng)斯1755年畢業(yè)于哈佛。1775年7月3日，喬治·華盛頓在哈佛學(xué)院所在地坎布里奇就任北美獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭軍隊(duì)的統(tǒng)帥，其司令部也曾設(shè)在這里。而美國第三任總統(tǒng)、《獨(dú)立宣言》主要起草人托馬斯·杰弗遜和美國聯(lián)邦最高法院首任首席大法官約翰·杰伊等人均榮獲哈佛榮譽(yù)法學(xué)博士學(xué)位?！豆鸾?jīng)典》與哈佛的魅力為什么能從哈佛走出那么多杰出的人才？它的魅力到底從何而來呢？事實(shí)上，哈佛開啟了美國人文學(xué)為中心的教育傳統(tǒng)。哈佛的校訓(xùn)是用拉丁文寫的，譯成中文是："與柏拉圖為友，與亞里士多德為友，更與真理為友"。這個(gè)校訓(xùn)突出的有兩點(diǎn)，一是哈佛重視傳統(tǒng)，尤其是以柏拉圖、亞里士多德為代表的希臘的人文理性的傳統(tǒng)，相信在偉大的傳統(tǒng)中有永遠(yuǎn)的智慧，所以在哈佛不大可能出現(xiàn)全盤反傳統(tǒng)、全盤反歷史的迷狂；二是強(qiáng)調(diào)追求真理是最高的原則，無論是世俗的權(quán)貴，還是神圣的權(quán)威都不能代替真理，都不能折服人對真理的追求。就是這兩個(gè)原則的相互作用、相互補(bǔ)充，保證了哈佛能夠在一個(gè)偉大的譜系中繼往開來、傳承創(chuàng)造，不斷地推陳出新，這就是哈佛的魅力，它永久地激動著一代又一代年輕學(xué)子的渴望和夢想。哈佛是美國精神的代表。哈佛也是世界人文的奇跡。所謂代表，所謂奇跡，在于這個(gè)大學(xué)傳授給學(xué)子的生命精神以及方法本身。哈佛是一個(gè)理想主義的產(chǎn)物。自由、辯論、模擬現(xiàn)實(shí)乃至就是現(xiàn)實(shí)本身的案例，頭腦的風(fēng)暴和實(shí)踐的打磨，需要你知識的不斷擴(kuò)大，更需要你實(shí)踐的應(yīng)變，還有你的堅(jiān)忍。仿佛蘇格拉底和柏拉圖在哈佛現(xiàn)代地再生。這個(gè)過程是一個(gè)塑造的程序，走過這個(gè)程序，學(xué)生就變得與眾不同。那么，這個(gè)大學(xué)如何看待人類的知識，用這些知識來形塑哈佛的精英？顯然，知識、方法和人的互動構(gòu)成了哈佛的奇跡。奇跡從來都是可以解釋的。除非你放棄解釋。哈佛將人類幾十個(gè)世紀(jì)積累的知識作為哈佛學(xué)生的知識基礎(chǔ)，在這個(gè)基礎(chǔ)上才能升華出所謂的奇跡與魅力。而將哈佛的魅力承載起來的，就是《哈佛經(jīng)典》。50卷的《哈佛經(jīng)典》是哈佛學(xué)子如此優(yōu)秀的基礎(chǔ)。因?yàn)楣鸫髮W(xué)的影響力和幾百年來學(xué)子的貢獻(xiàn)力，自1901年問世至今，《哈佛經(jīng)典》已經(jīng)成為西方家庭的必備藏書，是西方生接受古代和近代文明教育的權(quán)威讀物。在《哈佛經(jīng)典》這部叢書里，你會看到精英的文化本質(zhì)。不知道為什么，一聽見《哈佛經(jīng)典》，筆者的大腦總是涌出一些意象。是美國的風(fēng)格，可以入畫，但浮縈著一種情緒。這些人和這些人的文字已經(jīng)進(jìn)入哈佛經(jīng)典，而我的奇怪在于，為什么眼前全是美國的意象？……我更愿意想像美國獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭時(shí)期，在壁爐中的木柴燃燒的火光里，富蘭克林捧著書的專注，或者時(shí)光迤儷地行來，二戰(zhàn)時(shí)候，羅斯?？偨y(tǒng)的爐邊談話，或者還可以是林肯斜躺在客店的床上，演算著《幾何原本》，或者是梭羅的《瓦爾登湖》和惠特曼的"草葉"？……經(jīng)典是世界所有文明的經(jīng)典，但哈佛的編輯則使之富有美國的精神。走進(jìn)《哈佛經(jīng)典》《哈佛經(jīng)典》是一套反映人類認(rèn)識和探索世界的思想性讀物。《哈佛經(jīng)典》，由哈佛大學(xué)第二任校長查爾斯·愛略特（CHARLES W. ELIOT）任主編，聯(lián)合哈佛大學(xué)及美國其他名校100多位享譽(yù)全球的教授歷時(shí)4年完成。該套叢書自1901年問世至今，暢銷100年。與其他名著叢書只是將人類史上百部或50部名著列入一個(gè)系列不同，《哈佛經(jīng)典》旨在囊括人類有史以來至19世紀(jì)最優(yōu)秀的社會科學(xué)和自然科學(xué)文獻(xiàn)，以向現(xiàn)代讀者展示人類觀察、記錄、發(fā)明和思想演變的進(jìn)程。查爾斯·愛略特(Charles W. Eliot，1834-1926)生于美國馬薩諸塞州波士頓。他在哈佛以全班第二名畢業(yè)，留校任教，1869年被任命為哈佛大學(xué)校長時(shí)，年僅35歲，任期達(dá)40年（1869-1909）之久。愛略特來自哈佛并了解哈佛，更熱愛哈佛，在此期間，他大膽改革課程設(shè)置，鼓勵學(xué)生選修課程，增辟三所學(xué)院，改善法學(xué)院和醫(yī)學(xué)院的水準(zhǔn)，使哈佛的教職員工增加10倍，學(xué)生增加4倍，哈佛成為世界最頂尖的大學(xué)之一。因此，他也重塑了哈佛。1890年，愛略特被任命為美國國家教育委員會主席，大力改革美國中學(xué)教育的課程。正是半個(gè)世紀(jì)成功的教育生涯使愛略特知道，一個(gè)現(xiàn)代的文明人應(yīng)當(dāng)具備那些知識與那些素養(yǎng)。于是，他開始編篡哈佛經(jīng)典，解密哈佛魅力的來源。1909年，任《哈佛經(jīng)典》（五尺叢書）主編。聽愛略特的自序更能把握一個(gè)使命感和理想主義者的行為。“我選編《哈佛經(jīng)典》，旨在為認(rèn)真、執(zhí)著的讀者提供文學(xué)養(yǎng)分，他們將可以從中大致了解人類從古代直至19世紀(jì)末觀察、記錄、發(fā)明以及想象的進(jìn)程。在這50卷書、約22000頁的篇幅內(nèi)，我試圖為一個(gè)20世紀(jì)概念上的文化人提供獲取所必需的古代和現(xiàn)代知識的手段。作為一個(gè)20世紀(jì)的文化人，他不僅理所當(dāng)然的要有開明的理念或思維方法，而且還必須擁有一座人類從蠻荒發(fā)展到文明的進(jìn)程中所積累起來的、有文字記載的關(guān)于發(fā)現(xiàn)、經(jīng)歷、以及思索的寶藏。我打算對這座寶藏進(jìn)行認(rèn)真篩選，以讓每個(gè)在心智上積極進(jìn)取的美國家庭好好利用，盡管他們早期接受教育的機(jī)會甚少。因此，我們選編《哈佛經(jīng)典》的目的與其他各類系列叢書大相徑庭，他們只不過是選上100本或50本世界上最好的書籍而已，那樣最多只是向善于思考的讀者奉獻(xiàn)了一幅使他們的思想得以充實(shí)、錘煉和升華的歷史長卷。”從學(xué)科領(lǐng)域來看，涵蓋了歷史、傳記、哲學(xué)、宗教、游記、自然科學(xué)、政府與政治、教育、評論、戲劇、敘事和抒情詩、散文等各大學(xué)科領(lǐng)域。從文化的代表性來看，展現(xiàn)了希臘、羅馬、法國、意大利、西班牙、英國、蘇格蘭、德國、美國等西方國家古代和近代文明的最優(yōu)秀成果；也擷取了中國、印度、希伯來、阿拉伯、斯堪的納維亞、愛爾蘭文明最有代表性的作品。從年代來看，從最古老的宗教經(jīng)典和作為西方文明起源的古希臘和羅馬文化，到東方、意大利、法國、斯堪的納維亞、愛爾蘭、英國、德國、拉丁美洲的中世紀(jì)文化，其中包括意大利、法國、德國、英國、蘇格蘭、西班牙等國文藝復(fù)興時(shí)期的思想；到意大利、法國三個(gè)世紀(jì)、德國兩個(gè)世紀(jì)、英格蘭3個(gè)世紀(jì)和美國更多世紀(jì)的現(xiàn)代文明；從特色來看，她納入了17、18、19世紀(jì)科學(xué)發(fā)展的最權(quán)威文獻(xiàn)；收集了近代以來最有影響的隨筆、歷史文獻(xiàn)、前言、后記，為讀者進(jìn)入某一學(xué)科領(lǐng)域起到了引導(dǎo)的作用。哈佛大學(xué)的成功已經(jīng)證明了《哈佛經(jīng)典》的價(jià)值。

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