美國(guó)報(bào)業(yè)與社會(huì)

內(nèi)容概要

　　《美國(guó)報(bào)業(yè)與社會(huì)：民主進(jìn)程、自由界定及司法判例》從媒介社會(huì)學(xué)的視角，深入考察了美國(guó)新聞業(yè)“客觀性”理念誕生和發(fā)展的歷史。作者將報(bào)業(yè)的發(fā)展置于美國(guó)近現(xiàn)代社會(huì)史的宏闊框架之內(nèi)，深刻地揭示了政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)、文化和技術(shù)結(jié)構(gòu)對(duì)新聞業(yè)和傳播理念的建構(gòu)過(guò)程。作者跳出傳統(tǒng)新聞史研究囿于描述性或闡釋性的窠臼，開(kāi)創(chuàng)了美國(guó)新聞史研究的社會(huì)科學(xué)流派。

作者簡(jiǎn)介

　　He Wenfa， Ph.D.，An associate professor of Communication
University of China， a supervisor of M.A.candidates of
cross-cultural communication，and a visiting scholar of University
at Buffalo， The State University of New York. His previous books
mainly include On Emergencies and
　　Reporting；from Arrogance to Politeness-Images of China Reflected
on
　　Foreign Mainstream Media；Why Democracies Need an Unlovable
Press（Chinese version translator.
　　
　　Li Yehui， Ph.D.， An Associate professor of Communication
University of China， and an academic visitor of University of
Westminster in London from 2011-2012. She devotes herself to
research about Gender and Communication， English-teaching，and
Journalism-studies.She has participated in writing several
books，teaching materials，and some papers published in periodicals.
She is the dean of the department of College-English-Teaching of
her University.

書(shū)籍目錄

Introduction
ChapterⅠ The Press in the Colonial Years（-1765）
ChapterⅡ The Press and the Independent Revolution（1765-1783）
ChapterⅢ The Constitution and the Bill of Rights（1783-1791）
ChapterⅣ The Beginning of Partisan Newspaper（1787-1800）
ChapterⅤ Mass Democracy and Changes on journalism（1800-1833）
ChapterⅥ Westward Movement and the Penny Press（1833-1860）
ChapterⅦ The Civil War Press and the 14th
Amendment（1861-1880）
ChapterⅧ Yellow Journalism in Gilded Age（1880s-1910s）
ChapterⅨ Muck-racking journalism in Progressive
Movement（1890s-1920s）
ChapterⅩ Objective（Professional）Journalism（1920-1945）
ChapterⅩⅠ Judicial Cases by the Supreme Court（1907-1954）
ChapterⅩⅡ The Press in the Cold War（1945-1954）
ChapterⅩⅢ Civil Rights Movement（1954-1960s）
ChapterⅩⅣ Judicial Cases by the Supreme Court（1964-1989）
Appendix 1 The Referenced Framework of Researching American
Press
Appendix 2 Basic Framework on Modern Philosophic Ideas
Appendix 3 Media Market and Public Sphere
Appendix 4 Classical Liberalism, Social Liberalism and
Neo-Liberalism
Appendix 5 Equal-time Rule and Fairness Doctrine
Appendix 6 The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere
Appendix 7 Library of Court Decisions for Freedom of Speech and
Press
Appendix 8 Basic Readings in U. S. Democracy
Bibliography

章節(jié)摘錄

版權(quán)頁(yè)：   There are two methods of curing the mischief of faction:the one,by removing its causes;the other,by controlling its effects. There are again two methods of removing the causes of faction:the one by destroying the libertywhich is essential to its existence;the other,by giving to every citizen the same opinions,the same passions,and the same interests. It could never be more truly said than of the first remedy,that it is worse than the disease.Liberty isto faction,what air is to fire,an aliment without which it instantly expires.But it could not be a less follyto abolish liberty,which is essential to political life,because it nourishes faction,than it would be to wishthe annihilation of air,which is essential to animal life,because it imparts to fire its destructive agency. The second expedient is as impracticable,as the first would be unwise.As long as the reason of mancontinues fallible,and he is at liberty to exercise it,different opinions will be formed.As long as the connection subsists between his reason and his self-love,his opinions and his passions will have a reciprocalinfluence on each other;and the former will be objects to which the latter will attach themselves. he diversity in the faculties of men from which the rights of property originate,is not less an insuperable obstacle to a uniformity of interests.The protection of these faculties is the first object of Government.Fromthe protection of different and unequal faculties of acquiring property,the possession of different degreesand kinds of property immediately results;and from the influence of these on the sentiments and views ofthe respective proprietors,ensues a division of the society into different interests and parties. The latent causes of faction are thus sown in the nature of man;and we see them every wherebrought into different degrees of activity,according to the different circumstances of civil society.Theregulation of these various and interfering interests forms the principal task of modem Legislation,and involves the spirit of party and faction in the necessary and ordinary operations of Government.

媒體關(guān)注與評(píng)論

　　The basis of our governments being the opinion of the people，the very first object should be to keep that right; and were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers， or newspapers without a government，I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter. But I should mean that every man should receive those papers and be capable of reading them.　　——Thomas Jejfferson to Edward Carrington，16 Jan.1787　　　　A popular Government， without popular information， or the means of acquiring it， is but a Prologue to a Farce or a Tragedy; or， perhaps both. Knowledge will forever govern ignorance： And a people who mean to be their own Governors，must arm themselves with the power which knowledge gives.　　——James Madison to W. T. Bany，1822　　　　In this question，therefore， there is no medium between servitude and license；in order to enjoy the inestimable benefits that the liberty of the press ensure，it is necessary to submit to the inevitable evils that it creates.　　——Alexis de Tocqueville，Democracy in America，1835　　　　If all mankind minus one，were of one opinion， and only one person were of the contrary opinion，mankind would be no more justified in silencing that one person，than he，if he had the power， would be justified in silencing mankind.　　——John Stuart Mill，On Liberty， 1859　　　　We are under a Constitution， but the Constitution is what the judges say it is，and the judiciary is the safeguard of our property and our liberty and our property under the Constitution.　　——Charles Evans Hughes，1907，three years before appointed to be the Chief Justice

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