美國研究讀本

內(nèi)容概要

《美國研究讀本》題材廣泛，全書共分26個專題，涵蓋了美國的政治、經(jīng)濟、社會、文化等方面。所選材料既注意反映八十年代以來的現(xiàn)實，又兼顧歷史，使讀者能用一種歷史的、發(fā)展的觀點看美國。所選文章權(quán)威性較強，文字規(guī)范地道，難易總體適中。每一單元的中文簡介均起到畫龍點睛的作用。這是一本不可多得的了解美國的英語教材，適合高校英語專業(yè)本科及研究生使用，也適合具有大學英語水平的其他讀者自學之用。    讀了此書，你會對美國有更深、更實際的了解。

作者簡介

梅仁毅 1935年出生于廣東中山，現(xiàn)任北京外國語大學教授、美國研究中心主任。1982-1983年作為富布賴特學者在美國耶魯大學從事美國外交史研究。長期從事美國外交史、中美關系史教學。作品有：譯著《論語》、《寂夏》；教材《國際金融閱讀與翻譯》、《英語國家概況》美國部

書籍目錄

Part I Politics  Unit One The Constitution 美國憲法  Unit Two The Presidency and Presidential Election 總統(tǒng)與總統(tǒng)選舉  Unit Three The Congress 美國國會  Unit Four The Judiciary 司法體系  Unit Five Federal and State Governments 聯(lián)邦與州政府  Unit Six Political Parties 政黨  Unit Seven Interest Groups 利益集團  Unit Eight Foreign Policy 外交政策Part II Economy  Unit Nine Overview of American Economy 美國經(jīng)濟概貌  Unit Ten American Government and American Economy 美國政府和美國經(jīng)濟  Unit Eleven New Economy 新經(jīng)濟    Unit Twelve Foreign Trade 對外貿(mào)易Part III Society   Unit Thirteen Race and Ethnicity 種族與民族問題  Unit Fourteen Religion 宗教  Unit Fifteen Family 家庭  Unit Sixteen Old Age 老齡問題  Unit Seventeen Gender Inequality, Women's Liberation 男女不平等以及婦女解放  Unit Eighteen Social Welfare 社會福利  Unit Nineteen Crime 犯罪  Unit Twenty Philosophy 哲學  Unit Twenty-one American Values 美國價值觀  Unit Twenty-two Education 教育  Unit Twenty-three News Media 新聞媒體  Unit Twenty-four Motion Pictures 電影  Unit Twenty-five Sports and American Culture 體育與美國文化  Unit Twenty-six American Music 美國音樂

章節(jié)摘錄

　　Today, for example, there are over 2.2 million Native Americans. This group has suffered　 enormous injustices. Shortly after the European settlers arrived on this continent, they found it　expedient to clear out the indigenous groups whose nations stood in the way of territorial con- quesst and colonial expansion. The firm belief of whites in their own racial and cultural superi-ority (a belief without any real foundation) provided a ready rationale for their vicious treat-　　ment of the native peoples,　Native Americans were subjected to a continuing series of attacks:the　takeover of ancestral lands, racially inspired killings, confinement on white-controlled res-ervations , bureaucratic manipulation by governmental agencies, and so on. Now, after gener-ations of white domination, Native Americans are among the poorest and most oppressed mi-nority　groups in the United States. Their traditional patterns of living have been largely de-stroyed, and their life chances are almost completely subject to the whims of white-controlled　institutions. They were, and are victims of racism.　　Leaders　　Members of each party in each house meet to choose their leaders, lhe Speaker of　the House　is chosen by the majority party members and presides over the House. Typically someone who has served in the House a long time, the Speaker is usually a skilled pariiamentarian and an ideological moderate. The institutional task of the Speaker is to see that legislation moves through the House. His (all speakers have been men so far) partisan task is to secure the passage of measures preferred by his party.　　No other member of Congress possesses the visibility and authority of the Speaker of the House. Part of the Speakers prestige comes from the offices formal recognition in the Constitution, which states that the House "shall chuse their Speaker". Although the Constitution does not require the Speaker to be a House member, all of them have been. The Speaker is also second in line behind the vice president to succeed to the presidency. And, as the "elect of the elected", the Speaker stands near the president as a national figure.　　The party leadership in the House also includes a majority leader, a minority leader, and majority and minority whips.　　The majority leader is second in command to the Speaker, and the minority leader is, as the name suggests, the leader of the minority party.　　The key job of majority leaders, defined by tradition, is to be principal floor defender and spokesman for the party. They also help to plan the daily, weekly, and annual legislative agendas; consult with members to gauge sentiment for or against legislation; confer with the president about administration proposals, particularly when the president is of the same party: urge colleagues to support or defeat measures; and, in general, work diligently to advance the purposes and programs of the majority party.　　Minority leaders are well placed to shape their partys strategy for dealing with the　majority. They can help formulate alternatives to majority-sponsored legislation, oppose outright the majority party and its leadership, or use parliamentary rules and procedures to concessions from the majority or thwart its will.　　Whips originated in the British House of Commons, where they were named after the"whipper in", the rider who keeps the hounds together in a fox hunt. This aptly describes the whips role in Congress. Party whips try to maintain contact with party members, see which way members are leaning on votes, and attempt to gain their support.　　In the House, whips frequently stand by the chambers doors and signaI their arriving　colleagues to vote yea (thumbs up) or nay (thumbs down). They also prepare weekly "whip notices" advising members of the upcoming floor agenda.　　1. Marbury v. Madison　　The election of 1800 saw John Adams Federalist party lose control of the Presidency and both Houses of Congress to the Jeffersonian. In those days the new President did not take office until the following March 4 so Adams and the "lame duck" Federalist party still held power for several months after the election. In an attempt to hold onto power, the lame duck Congress passed a law creating forty-two new federal judgeships. President Adams quickly nominated Federalists to these judgeships, and the Senate quickly confirmed the nomination. The outgoing Secretary State, John Marshall, failed to see that all of the commissions were delivered to the new judges before he left office on March 4. When President Jefferson took office he ordered his Secretary of State, James Madison, not to deliver the commissions because of the blatant way the Federalists tried to "pack" the federal judiciary. William Marbury, nominated to be a justice of the peace in the city of Washington, was one of those who did not receive his commission. After several unsuccessful attempts to secure the commission, Marbury brought suit against Madison. Section 13 of the Judiciary Act of 1789 authorized the Supreme Court to issue a writ of mandamus　to persons holding office under the authority of the United States.A writ of mandamus is a court order commanding an official to do something that is required by law and over which the official has no discretion. Marbury brought this original action before the Supreme Court under Section 13. The case was highly controversial and highly partisan in　　nature. The Federalists had blatantly packed the federal judiciary with its members. Jefferson withheld the commissions for partisan reasons. The stage was set for a historic decision.　　The Constitutional issues are as following:　　(1) whether Marbury has a legal right to the commission?　　(2)whether the laws of the United States provide Marbury with a legal remedy?　　(3)Whether the remedy of a writ of mandamus was issued by the Supreme Court?　　Chief Justice John Marshall delivers the opinion of the Court. Marshall answers the first question by analyzing the appointment process. Marshall concludes that Marbury, having been nominated by the President and confirmed by the Senate in accordance with the constitution,does have a right to the commission he demands.　　The U.S. economy is in an unprecedented good condition. For example, U.S. unemployment fell in September, 2000 to 3.9 percent——matching a 30-year low——and businesses added more workers than expected, the Labor Department reported, suggesting the nine-year-old economic expansion is still generating jobs. As a matter of fact, it is undergoing a fundamental transformation at the dawn of the new millennium. Some of the most obvious outward signs of change are in fact among the root causes of it： revolutionary technological advances, including powerful personal computers, high-speed telecommunications, and the Internet. The market　　environment facilitated, by these and other developments in the last decade and a half has been variously labeled the "information economy", "network economy", "digital economy","knowledge economy", and the "risk society". Together, the whole package is often simply referred to as the "New Economy".　　The New Economy is a metal casting firm in Pittsburgh that uses computer-aided manufacturing technology to cut costs, save energy, and reduce waste. It is a farmer in Nebraska who sows genetically altered seeds and drives a tractor with a global satellite positioning system. It is an insurance company in Iowa that uses software to flatten managerial hierarchies and gives its workers broader responsibilities and autonomy. It is textile firm in Georgia that uses the Internet to take orders from customers around the world.　　It is also as much about new organizational models as it is about new technologies. The New Economy is the Miller brewery in Trenton, Ohio, which produces 50 percent more beer per worker than the companys next-most-productive facility, in part because a lean, 13-member crew has been trained to work in teams to handle the overnight shift with no oversight.　　……

媒體關注與評論

　　前言　　20世紀80年代以來，世界發(fā)生了巨大的變化，美國國內(nèi)也有不小的變化：冷戰(zhàn)的結(jié)束，美國成了惟一的超級大國，全球化的發(fā)展，知識經(jīng)濟的主導，美國經(jīng)濟持續(xù)增長及最近的衰退，新保守主義的抬頭，社會福利政策的爭論等等都需要我們?nèi)チ私馀c研究，許多中國讀者也迫切想了解美國的今天。我們在有關課程的教學中也深感需要補充新的材料以適應新的發(fā)展，這就是我們編寫此書的動因。此書有以下幾個特點：　　1．題材廣泛，材料較新。本書所選文章涉及美國政治、社會生活的方方面面。全書共分政治、經(jīng)濟、社會、文化教育4個部分，26個專題。在選材上，除個別文章外，我們主要選自80年代(特別是90年代)美國出版的教材、專著，也包括了少量從因特網(wǎng)下載的文章。我們一方面注意給讀者提供90年代的信息，一方面又不追求實時性，而是注意所論述的內(nèi)容有較長的時效，因此在總統(tǒng)舉這一單元中就沒有涉及2000年總統(tǒng)選舉的特點、選舉團暴露出來的弊端、最高法院的裁決等.提到2000年選舉，也只是為了說明選舉過程、金錢的作用。另外，此書沒有把史地、人口等變化不大的內(nèi)容包括在內(nèi)，這些方面仍可參考鄧炎昌教授主編的《現(xiàn)代美國社會與文化》一書?！　?.歷史與現(xiàn)實的結(jié)合。對許多問題，我們認為不僅應該了解其現(xiàn)狀，也應該了解其過去，以形成一種發(fā)展的觀點。我們在編撰時，盡可能使讀者對一個專題有一個歷史的了解，知道事物的發(fā)展過程。　　3.本書大部分文章的作者都是美國政治學、經(jīng)濟學、歷史學、外交學、社會學、教育學、人類學、哲學等方面的專家、學者，他們提供的信息與分析，比較權(quán)威、可靠。當然，正因為他們都是美國學者他們有的觀點也必然會與中國的觀點不同，這是我們應該在使用此書時必須注意的。我們認為基本保留原作者的觀點與論述，有助于提高讀者的分析、判斷能力，也有助于我們了解美國作者是如何看待這些問題的。需要點明之處，我們也在簡介中已加以指出。　　4.文字規(guī)范、地道。我們在選材時，也注意了文字的難易程度，盡量做到文字地道易懂，使讀者在閱讀內(nèi)容的同時，在語言上也有收獲。為了幫助讀者閱讀，我們對某些專有名詞提供了英語注釋對人名、機構(gòu)名則給了中文譯名。對于一般性難詞或語言上的難點，我們未作注釋，因為讀者可以借助詞典獨立解決。　　5.每一單元前面有一個漢語簡介，起導讀作用。我們盡量在簡介中提供一些所選文章沒有涉及但又必須知道的事實，同時指出中國讀者在閱讀時應注意或應思考的問題。每一單元之后附有英文思考題，便于讀者復習一下本單元的主要之點。在思考題之后，列有參考書目，便于有興趣的讀者進一步學習之用。所列之書，基本上在國內(nèi)可以借閱到?！　?.本書是集體研究的成果。北京外國語大學研究中心的師生共25人參加了編撰工作。本中心的富布賴特教授Bill Lyons也專門為此書寫了一篇文章。沒有這么多人的努力，本書是難以完成的。　　……

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