我的奮斗人生

用戶評論 (總計(jì)7條)

•   把布什送進(jìn)白宮
•   書頁有些舊了，快遞很快
•   好書啊 啊
•   1、當(dāng)當(dāng)送貨超贊的
  2、書本身沒多好看，有退休出稿純賺銀子之嫌，總之個(gè)人覺得，嗯，睡前無聊打發(fā)打發(fā)。。。還挺好的。。。比較催眠。。。
•   RTRTRTRTRTRTRTRTRT
•   　　不甘心洗手江湖的卡爾·羅夫
  　　文/海倫·托馬斯 標(biāo)簽：卡爾·羅夫 布什
  　　
  　　　　布什的政治軍師卡爾羅夫雖然做到8月底就辭職了，但很難指望他很優(yōu)雅而有風(fēng)度地離開白宮。
  　　
  　　　　臨走前他又本性不改，朝民主黨參議員希拉里克林頓放了一支冷箭，稱她存在致命缺陷。顯然他不僅沒有退出棋局，而且仍處在進(jìn)攻狀態(tài)下。
  　　
  　　　　他將布什的批評者稱為不配為這個(gè)人（布什）提靴的頹廢精英派和勢利小人。他們之所以不喜歡布什，是因?yàn)樗哂谐ＷR(shí)，代表了美國中間階層”。
  　　
  　　　　希拉里的回應(yīng)是，羅夫一心著迷于（算計(jì)）自己。
  　　
  　　　　從政治上說，能被羅夫全心關(guān)注或許是一種最高形式的恭維他認(rèn)定希拉里是民主黨反對陣營中的領(lǐng)軍人物，是共和黨人明年必須打敗的對手。這也顯示羅夫仍以共和黨的斗士自居，盡管他已丟掉白宮的烏紗帽。
  　　
  　　　　羅夫擅長操縱同性婚姻、墮胎權(quán)利這些分化性極強(qiáng)的楔子議題，并仗著這些為他的老板兩次奪取了白宮。不過近兩年他開始流年不利：調(diào)查白宮泄露瓦勒里普拉姆CIA地下特工身份一事的大陪審團(tuán)傳喚他出庭，此案尚未了結(jié)；一個(gè)國會(huì)委員會(huì)也在調(diào)查他是否在8名聯(lián)邦檢察官的被炒事件中扮演了角色。
  　　
  　　　　羅夫向《紐約時(shí)報(bào)》訴苦說，自己被民主黨人當(dāng)作一只方便的替罪羊，并堅(jiān)稱自己在白宮其實(shí)并不像外界以為的那樣權(quán)傾一時(shí)；決定實(shí)際上是總統(tǒng)作的，他只是著手操辦而已。
  　　
  　　　　他還說布什是我所認(rèn)識(shí)的讀書最多的人之一，對歷史尤為偏愛。
  　　
  　　　　要是布什讀過他父親留下的一些歷史筆記就好了。老布什寫道，在1991年第一次海灣戰(zhàn)爭中，他沒有命令已經(jīng)解放了科威特、打到伊拉克南部的美軍北進(jìn)巴格達(dá)，擔(dān)心這會(huì)引起一場內(nèi)戰(zhàn)。
  　　
  　　　　布什顯然也沒看過一段關(guān)于他的副總統(tǒng)迪克切尼的視頻：1994年，切尼在回憶海灣戰(zhàn)爭經(jīng)歷時(shí)表示，時(shí)任國防部長的自己不贊成打下巴格達(dá)，是因?yàn)檫@會(huì)使美軍陷入泥潭。
  　　
  　　　　當(dāng)被問及此事時(shí)，切尼發(fā)言人的說法是：切尼認(rèn)為使情況發(fā)生了改變。（值得提出的是，伊拉克人并未卷入）再回到羅夫。此公的專長無疑是政治權(quán)謀，他有本事使逃過越南兵役的布什打敗了民主黨的越戰(zhàn)英雄約翰克里。不過，自從民主黨在去年的中期選舉中一舉拿下國會(huì)參眾兩院之后，羅夫在布什政府中的明星地位就開始隕落了。
  　　
  　　　　一本題為《布什的大腦》的書將羅夫描述為一個(gè)聰明而殘忍的造王者（brilliant brutal　kingmaker）。隨著國王越來越有自己的主張，造王者難免就會(huì)越來越失落。
  　　
  　　《外灘畫報(bào)》2007年09月27日 第252期
•   　　看看《紐約時(shí)報(bào)》的一篇報(bào)道。
  　　
  　　Karl Rove本來已經(jīng)不摻和選舉的事，卻在選舉前一個(gè)月高調(diào)加入選舉團(tuán)隊(duì)。
  　　
  　　他能最終扭轉(zhuǎn)2012年的美國大選嗎？
  　　
  　　http://www.nytimes.com/2010/09/26/us/26rove.html
  　　
  　　Rove Returns, With Team, Planning G.O.P. Push
  　　By JIM RUTENBERG
  　　Published: September 25, 2010
  　　
  　　WASHINGTON — In 2004, the Republican master strategist Karl Rove led weekly sessions at his Washington residence where, over big plates of his butter-smothered “eggies” and bacon slabs, he planned the re-election of President George W. Bush — and what he hoped would be lasting Republican dominion over Democrats.
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  　　In April, Mr. Rove summoned several of the important players behind Mr. Bush’s ascendance to his home once again, this time to draw up plans to push a Republican resurgence.
  　　
  　　Over takeout chicken pot pies, the group — the Republican fund-raiser Fred Malek, the onetime lobbyist and Bush White House counselor Ed Gillespie, and former Vice President Dick Cheney’s daughter Mary Cheney, among others — agreed on plans for an ambitious new political machine that would marshal the resources of disparate business, nonprofit and interest groups to bring Republicans back to power this fall.
  　　
  　　When Mr. Rove left the White House in 2007, Democrats rejoiced at what they believed would be the end of his political career and the brand of Republicanism he espoused. This election season is proving that he is back — if he ever really left at all.
  　　
  　　The landscape has changed, with Mr. Rove at times clashing with potent new Tea Party-style activists, some of whom view him as a face of the old party establishment they want to upend.
  　　
  　　Already a prominent presence as an analyst on Fox News Channel and a columnist at The Wall Street Journal, Mr. Rove is also playing a leading role in building what amounts to a shadow Republican Party, a network of donors and operatives that is among the most aggressive in the Republican effort to capture control of the House and the Senate.
  　　
  　　He has had a major hand in helping to summon the old coalition of millionaires and billionaires who supported Mr. Bush and have huge financial stakes in regulatory and tax policy, like Harold C. Simmons, a Texas billionaire whose holdings include a major waste management company that handles some radioactive materials; Carl H. Lindner Jr., a Cincinnati businessman whose American Financial Group includes several property and casualty insurance concerns; and Robert B. Rowling, whose TRT Holdings owns Omni Hotels and Gold’s Gym.
  　　
  　　Their personal and corporate money — as well as that of other donors who have not been identified — has gone to a collection of outside groups Mr. Rove helped form with Mr. Gillespie, including American Crossroads and Crossroads GPS, which in turn are loosely affiliated with similar groups staffed or backed by other operatives and donors with ties to Mr. Rove. With $32 million and counting, they are now filling the void created by the diminished condition of the Republican National Committee, which has faced fund-raising difficulties under its embattled chairman, Michael Steele.
  　　
  　　“A lot of what we’re doing would normally be done with the R.N.C.,” said Ms. Cheney, who is part of a group, the Alliance for America’s Future, that is working with the organizations Mr. Rove helped start on encouraging early voting in House races this fall. “There’s no money there.”
  　　
  　　Crossroads officials say they are seeking to supplement party activities, not replace them.
  　　
  　　In a brief interview, Mr. Rove said he was trying to help build something that would remain in place beyond November. “We want this to be durable,” he said.
  　　
  　　Already, plans at American Crossroads include an anti-Democratic barrage of attack ads that will be run tens of thousands of times, a final get-out-the-vote push with some 40 million negative mail pieces, and 20 million automated phone calls, officials there say.
  　　
  　　“They’re running a very proficient party operation funded by millions of dollars of undisclosed special-interest dollars,” said David Axelrod, a special adviser to President Obama. Referring to Mr. Rove and Mr. Gillespie, he added, “These guys are great political operatives, and they will have an impact in this election.”
  　　
  　　But if Mr. Rove and his colleagues remain prime movers of the Republican establishment, it is less clear that their influence extends into — and will not be diminished by — the grass-roots conservative movement that has energized and somewhat reordered the party this year.
  　　
  　　Mr. Rove has at times warned against insurgent candidates who in his view would reduce Republican chances of winning a seat. And as the embodiment of the inside-Washington power structure, he and his associates are viewed with some suspicion by the new forces driving the party, in particular former Gov. Sarah Palin of Alaska and the Tea Party activists who eschew the sort of big-tent, top-down party order Mr. Rove stands for.
  　　
  　　Tensions boiled over recently when Mr. Rove publicly criticized as unelectable the Tea Party-backed candidate who won the Republican Senate primary in Delaware, Christine O’Donnell. His stance prompted blistering criticism from activists and Ms. Palin, who, in a “woodshed moment” clearly directed at least in part at Mr. Rove during a recent speech in Iowa, called for party unity, asking, “Did you ever lose a big game growing up?”
  　　
  　　Richard Viguerie, a longtime conservative strategist who has allied with Tea Party activists, said, “We’re all on the same page until the polls close Nov. 2.”
  　　
  　　But, referring to Mr. Rove and Mr. Gillespie as part of the “ruling class,” he added, “Then a massive, almost historic battle for the heart and soul of the Republican Party begins.”
  　　
  　　The longstanding descriptions of Mr. Rove as an all-powerful Republican puppeteer exaggerate and oversimplify his role. And he has no paid, official position with the Crossroads groups, serving instead as an informal adviser alongside Mr. Gillespie.
  　　
  　　Operations are overseen by the chairman, Robert M. Duncan, a former Republican National Committee chairman and 40-year Rove associate, and the chief executive, Steven Law, a former general counsel to the United States Chamber of Commerce and a onetime chief of staff to Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky.
  　　
  　　Last year, Mr. Rove and Mr. Gillespie began reviewing the new landscape of groups Democrats had formed when they were out of power, asking themselves, Mr. Gillespie said, “What do they have that we don’t have?”
  　　
  　　Mr. Law recalled first hearing of plans to form a more ambitious entity supporting conservative candidates and causes from Mr. Gillespie last October, when, he said, “I could just see the political atmosphere changing dramatically in the Republicans’ favor, and there really needed to be a professionally run, full-service political operation built up.”

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