從他稱到自稱

前言

　　In 1999, I became interested in the impact of tourism development on localBai gender roles in the Dali Bai Autonomous Prefecture （DBAP）,Yunnan,China.0） I had encountered many rural Bai women in downtown Dali wholeft their husbands and children home in order to earn cash. This questionedthe assumed model of social division of labour previously in my mind andin many Chinese publications on the patriarchal Bai society.I wascurious about the newly acquired.　　gendered social roles brought in by therapid social economic development after the Reform and Opening-up Policyin 1978 and was eager to explore this aspect of socio-cultural change. After Ilearned more from and about local people, I realised that tourism was only oneof the many causes that had brought about a change in gender roles. Thewomens strong identification with the officially designated Bai categoryand the way they perceived a distinctive Bai culture captured my attention.As will be unfolded later, I did not understand, since minzu labels and legalBaizu identity are all fixed there in the official documents, why people arestill so sensitive as to whether they are Bai, Yi or Han, and why they keeparticulating their Bai identities seriously on various occasions and invarious ways. I gave up my initial interests and decided to find out whypeople are still so sensitive to the minzu label of official ethnic identitygranted by the state half a century ago.

內(nèi)容概要

The Bai is one of the 55 ethnic minority groups (shaoshu minzu) officially demarcated in China between the 1950s and 1979. This study analyses the growth of Bai identity since the 1950s and the constructed or imagined difference with other peoples, and how the Bai have embraced the state-granted label, acted on it and experienced it emotionally, practically and politically. This book explores how Bai identities are produced and reproduced in-between the social-historical layerings of Bai/state, Bai/Han and Bai/Yi relationships.    Many writers have examined the relationship between the state and ethnic minorities in southwest China. They argued convincingly against the portrayal of ethnic minorities as passive victims in the state enterprise of representation (Tapp 1986, 1995, 2002; Schein 1989, 2000; Harrell 1990, 1995, 1996, 2001; Litzinger 1995; Cheung Siu-woo 1996; Oaks 1998; Jonsson 2000; Bradley 2001 and Mueggler 2002). Others warn that emphasising resistance may fall prey to false dichotomising the state and the society (e.g. Sara Davis 1999, Mackerras 2004). My work extends such literature in the ethnography of self-representation and self-definition of Bai Identity. In line with these writers, I shall illustrate how the making of Bai ethnicity expresses the Bai identities, manipulates and reifies the Bai ethnic label designated by the NECP in daily life.    Regarding representations of the Bai in Dali, Beth Nortar's (1999) dissertation provides an excellent starting point, yet her focus on historical Chinese representations undermines the subjectivity of the people under study. Nortar's later articles (2000, 2008) convincingly teased out the constructive nature of Bai identity by various parties (see also Mackerras 1988 and D. Wu 1989, 199411991]). My study builds on their studies through bringing together a broader range of subject matters where identity and ethnic labels interact by drawing on my extensive fieldwork in Dali between 1999 and 2005. I have "maintained a balanced yet critical attitude" (Examiner's comments) towards sources. I have also shown "sensitivity towards the actions and views of the various relevant parties,and abstaining from extremist dichotomies one finds in some of the literature about China, especially in that about its ethnic minorities." (Examiner's comments).     This book challenges a hegemonic and unilateral view of Chinese minzu by contextualising how the Bai people use the state-granted label to conceptualise Bai identities through historical studies, recent memories,religious practices and an annual social event. Most significant among my findings is the role of the legitimate name Baizu, which fits well into a China context by being politically correct, economically valuable, and historically embedded in local social life. The label Baizu has become a symbolic diacritic, which sets the basis for the sustainable reproduction of Bai identities based on features which are not necessarily ethnically distinctive but become so due to the legitimate label. And the Bai have utilised it as a manageable social and political entity for the expression of personal or collective identities under a projected monolithic and homogenous Bai Identity.     This book concludes that Bai identity is a new form of group affiliation,new in the sense that the Bai have entered the new world of a clear-cut Baizu category, but it is not completely unfamiliar to them.

作者簡介

BAI Zhihong, PhD (ANU), associate professor in the Research School of Ethnic Minority Studies and Centre for Southwest Borderland Ethnic Minority Studies at Yunnan University. Since 1996, she has conducted extensive fieldwork among the Yi, Bai, Zang (Tibetan) and Wa communities in Yunnan. She has published in prestigious journals both in Chinese and English.Her research interests include ethnicity and ethnic identity, economic development among indigenous peoples, gender, and social policy.

書籍目錄

List of Tables and FiguresIllustrations of Bai Social LifePrefaceAcknowledgmentsIntroductionAbbreviationsChapter One  Contextualising the Bai and the ResearchChapter Two  The Making of Minzu and its Conceptual ImplicationsChapter Three  The Politics of Local Scholarly Making of the BaiChapter Four  Partial Identity and the Different Degrees of Bai-nessChapter Five  Identity Manifested in Religious PracticesChapter Six  Negotiating Interpretations and Identity-Making in an Annual Social Event: Gua sa naChapter Seven  Ethnic Identities under the Tourist GazeChapter Eight  Becoming Ethnically DistinctiveGlossaryTables and FiguresIllustrations of Bai Social LifeAppendix 1: Bai Characters on Unearthed TilesAppendix 2: Poster for gua sa na west Town, 2005Appendix 3: Web Sources and Printed Publications for gua sa na storiesAppendix 4: Gua sa na Income in Sunshine Village Temple, 2005Bibliography

章節(jié)摘錄

　　Few would have expected or comprehended why many Western anthropologistswould find it so difficult to understand the NECP and to reeognise the validity of the NECP for decades on end, however, reasonable their criticisms may appearfrom a Western perspective.）As Wang Mingke （2007b） correctly points out: neither the term minzu developed over history in China nor the anthropological term ethnic group is helpful in understanding the peoples under study. However, the NECPnot only seems to have frozen up minzu or ethnic groups that had beenin fluidity, but also ended up engendering and heightening peoples self-awareness （see Harrell 1995a）. To members of any group, the NECP offersmore than official recognition and equal rights, post-NECP categories havebecome handy tools to combat socio-political changes. Most importantly,the NECP provided a basis for subsequent efforts to fill the empty minzucategories with whatever people assume ethnic within a traditionally andpolitically acceptable framework.　　The NECP has not only been important to the state and the peopleinvolved, it is also significant, in a theoretical sense, to anthropologists.The implementations of the project and its theoretical implications haveprovided ideal case studies for intellectual, political and social critiques in apost-colonial and post-modem era.　　Early English-language publicationson the NECP have been as influential on English scholarship on Chineseminzu as the NECP has been on the Chinese population. Its role in shapingdiscussions of Chinese minzu has caught much attention. The arbitrarynature of the NECP, the role of the state and the political ideology havebeen critically engaged, but some of its conceptual implications have beenscarcely mentioned in the English literature. The following section willintroduce how Western researchers responded to the NECP before discussingthe theoretical concerns of this book.

編輯推薦

　　This book concludes that Bai identity is a new form of group affiliation,new in the sense that the Bai have entered the new world of a clear-cut Baizu category, but it is not completely unfamiliar to them.

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