英語(yǔ)報(bào)刊閱讀教程

前言

　　我們所處的時(shí)代是一個(gè)多元共生的時(shí)代。國(guó)際政治的多極化走向、經(jīng)濟(jì)的全球化趨勢(shì)、社會(huì)的信息化局面以及文化的多元化態(tài)勢(shì)正快速改變著我們的生活?？茖W(xué)技術(shù)的高速發(fā)展以及新興學(xué)科的不斷涌現(xiàn)加劇了世界各國(guó)文化的交流、碰撞和合作。如何培養(yǎng)適應(yīng)新時(shí)代發(fā)展和需要的人才，這是我們這一代教育工作者面臨的新的課題和挑戰(zhàn)。　　高等學(xué)校外語(yǔ)專業(yè)教學(xué)指導(dǎo)委員會(huì)英語(yǔ)組于2000年3月修訂的《高等學(xué)校英語(yǔ)專業(yè)英語(yǔ)教學(xué)大綱》明確規(guī)定了高等學(xué)校英語(yǔ)專業(yè)的培養(yǎng)目標(biāo)：“高等學(xué)校英語(yǔ)專業(yè)培養(yǎng)具有扎實(shí)的英語(yǔ)語(yǔ)言基礎(chǔ)和廣博的文化知識(shí)并能熟練地運(yùn)用英語(yǔ)在外事、教育、經(jīng)貿(mào)、文化、科技、軍事等部門從事翻譯、教學(xué)、管理、研究等工作的復(fù)合型英語(yǔ)人才?！边@樣的描述為我們編寫英語(yǔ)專業(yè)教材和組織英語(yǔ)專業(yè)教學(xué)提供了重要依據(jù)。我校在長(zhǎng)期的外語(yǔ)教學(xué)和研究實(shí)踐中踐行“明德尚行，學(xué)貫中西”的校訓(xùn)，著力推進(jìn)外語(yǔ)與專業(yè)的融合，致力于培養(yǎng)一專多能、“雙高”（思想素質(zhì)高、專業(yè)水平高）、“兩強(qiáng)”（外語(yǔ)實(shí)踐能力強(qiáng)、信息技術(shù)運(yùn)用能力強(qiáng)）、具有國(guó)際視野和創(chuàng)新意識(shí)的國(guó)際通用型人才。這要求全面提高學(xué)生的綜合素質(zhì)，包括拓寬人文學(xué)科知識(shí)，加強(qiáng)人文素質(zhì)，培養(yǎng)創(chuàng)新精神，提高獨(dú)立分析問題和解決問題的能力。

內(nèi)容概要

《英語(yǔ)報(bào)刊閱讀教程》為國(guó)家級(jí)“十一五”規(guī)劃教材。本書的選材內(nèi)容都是目前的熱門話題，主要涉及國(guó)際政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)、文化、環(huán)境、科技、娛樂等方面。每一話題又由問題討論、文化導(dǎo)讀、拓展閱讀、選文測(cè)驗(yàn)等幾個(gè)方面組成。本書的編寫目的就是通過學(xué)習(xí)，拓寬學(xué)生的知識(shí)面并努力增強(qiáng)學(xué)生的自主學(xué)習(xí)的能力。

書籍目錄

Unit One  International Relations and Politics第一單元 國(guó)際關(guān)系與政治  1.The Age of Nonpolarity  2.America’S Longest War：September llth Remembrance  3.Losing Sight of Reality    4.ne Return of Soft Power?  5.Vlad and MAD I Russia and Arms Control  Unit Two  International Economics and Business第二單元 國(guó)際經(jīng)濟(jì)與貿(mào)易  1.Analysis：The Vision Thin9  2.Read the Big Four to Know Capital’S Fate  3.We Forgot Everything Keynes Taught Us  4.Charlemagne I Euro Blues  5.Thoroughly Modem MarxUnit Three Science and Technology第三單元 科學(xué)與技術(shù)  1.Computers VS.Brains  2.Just Googling It Is Striking Fear into Companies  3.Electronic—book Readers  4.The RNA RevolUtion  5.New Web Sites Seeking Profit in Wiki ModelUnit Four  Culture and Society第四單元 文化與社會(huì)  1.The Way We Read Now as Our World ToRers  2.Feeling at Home    3.Rise of the New Angl0—world Order  4.Reading on the Web Is Not Really Readin9Unit Five  Education第五單元 教育  1.Education Reform  2.On Campus。Vampires Are Besting the Beats  3.We Treat Our Pupils like Aldous Huxley’S Gammas  4.Will the Humanities Save Us?Unit Six  Environment第六單元 環(huán)境  1.The Environmental Movemem I Endangered Specie  2.Selling the Green Economy  3.Adapt or Die  4.The Litany and the HereticUnit Seven  Entertainment and Leisure第七單元 娛樂休閑  1.Saying Yes to Mess  2.Too Busy to Notice You’re Too Busy    3.What’S So Funny?Well.Maybe Nothing  4.Whv Women Don’t Relax?  Unit Eight Health Care第八單元 健康醫(yī)療  ……Keys to Exercises練習(xí)參考答案References參考文獻(xiàn)

章節(jié)摘錄

　　The financial crisis today also exposes irrationalities in realms beyond finance. One example is U.S. President Barack Obamas call for trading in carbon credits as a solution to the climate crisis. In that supposedly progressive proposal, corporations that meet emissions standards sell credits to others that fail to meet their own targets. The Kyoto Protocol called for a similar system swapped across states. Fatefully however, both plans depend on the same volatile derivatives markets that are inherently open to manipulation and credit crashes. Marx would insist that, to find solutions to global problems such as climate change, we need to break with the logic of capitalist markets rather than use state institutions to reinforce them. Likewise, he would call for international economic solidarity rather than competition among states. As he put it in the Manifesto, " United action, of the leading... countries, at least, is the first condition for the emancipation of the proletariat. "Yet the work of building new institutions and movements for change must begin at home. Although he made the call "Workers of the world, unite！" Marx still insisted that workers in each country "first of all settle things with their own bourgeoisie. " The measures required to transform existing economic, political, and legal institutions would " of course be different in different countries. " But in every case, Marx would insist that the way to bring about radical change is first to get people to think ambitiously again.

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