經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)原理

內(nèi)容概要

　　《經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)原理：微觀部分 （第4版）》主要從供給與需求、企業(yè)行為與產(chǎn)業(yè)組織、長期經(jīng)濟(jì)增長與短期經(jīng)濟(jì)波動以及宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)政策等角度深入淺出地講述了經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)的基本原理。第4版在保持原有框架和章節(jié)結(jié)構(gòu)的基礎(chǔ)上，對一些新聞?wù)?、參考資料和案例進(jìn)行了更新。它以最淺顯易懂的方式闡釋了經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)最基本的思想，強(qiáng)調(diào)經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)原理的應(yīng)用和政策分析。書中還提供了大量案例，以說明經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)原理在現(xiàn)實(shí)經(jīng)濟(jì)生活中的應(yīng)用?！　　督?jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)原理（第4版）微觀部分（英文版）》是《經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)原理：微觀部分 （第4版）》的微觀部分，適用于經(jīng)濟(jì)管理類本科生、研究生及MBA學(xué)生，《經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)原理（第4版）微觀部分（英文版）》也可作為經(jīng)營管理人員的經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)指導(dǎo)書。

作者簡介

作者：（美國）N.格雷戈里·曼昆（N.Gregory Mankiw）  N.格雷戈里·曼昆，哈佛大學(xué)經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)教授。作為學(xué)生，他曾在普林斯頓大學(xué)和麻省理工學(xué)院學(xué)習(xí)經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)；作為教師。他講授過宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)、微觀經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)、統(tǒng)計(jì)學(xué)和經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)原理。多年前他甚至還在長灘島當(dāng)過一個(gè)夏季的帆船運(yùn)動教練。 曼昆教授是一位高產(chǎn)的學(xué)者和一位學(xué)術(shù)與政治爭論的經(jīng)常參與者。他的著作發(fā)表在《美國經(jīng)濟(jì)評論》（American Economic Review）、《政治經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)雜志》（Journal of Political Economy）和《經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)季刊》（Quarterly Journal of Economics）等學(xué)術(shù)雜志，以及《紐約時(shí)報(bào)》（The New YorkTimes）、《金融時(shí)報(bào)》（The Financial Times）、《華爾街日報(bào)》（The Wall Street Journal）和《財(cái)富》（Fortune）等熱門報(bào)刊上。他也是最暢銷的中級經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)教科書《宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)》（WorthPublishers出版）的作者。除了教學(xué)、研究和寫作之外，曼昆教授還是美國國家經(jīng)濟(jì)研究局的合作研究人員、波士頓聯(lián)邦儲備銀行和國會預(yù)算辦公室的顧問。以及ETS考試研發(fā)委員會下設(shè)的經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)高級水平考試委員會成員。從2003年到2005年。他擔(dān)任總統(tǒng)經(jīng)濟(jì)顧問委員會主席。

書籍目錄

第一篇 導(dǎo)言 第1章經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)十大原理 第2章像經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家一樣思考 第3章相互依存性與貿(mào)易的好處 第二篇供給與需求（Ⅰ）：市場如何運(yùn)行 第4章供給與需求的市場力量 第5章彈性及其應(yīng)用 第6章供給、需求與政府政策 第三篇 供給與需求（Ⅱ）：市場和福利 第7章消費(fèi)者、生產(chǎn)者與市場效率 第8章應(yīng)用：賦稅的代價(jià) 第9章應(yīng)用：國際貿(mào)易 第四篇公共部門經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué) 第10章外部性 第11章公共物品和公有資源 第五篇 企業(yè)行為與產(chǎn)業(yè)組織 第13章生產(chǎn)成本 第14章競爭市場上的企業(yè) 第15章壟斷 第16章寡頭 第17章壟斷競爭 第六篇 勞動市場經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué) 第18章生產(chǎn)要素市場 第19章收入與歧視 第20章收入不平等與貧困 附錄：小測驗(yàn)答案 術(shù)語表

章節(jié)摘錄

版權(quán)頁：   插圖：   To find a substitute for laboratory experiments, economists pay close attention to the natural experiments offered by history. When a war in the MiddleEast interrupts the flow of crude oil, for instance, oil prices skyrocket around theworld. For consumers of oil and oil products, such an event depresses livingstandards. For economic policymakers, it poses a difficult choice about how bestto respond. But for economic scientists, the event provides an opportunity tostudy the effects of a key natural resource on the world's economies, and thisopportunity persists long after the wartime increase in oil prices is over.Throughout this book, therefore, we consider many historical episodes. Theseepisodes are valuable to study because they give us insight into the economy ofthe past and, more important, because they allow us to illustrate and evaluateeconomic theories of the present. The Role of Assumptions If you ask a physicist how long it would take for a marble to fall from the top ofa ten-story building, she will answer the question by assuming that the marblefalls in a vacuum. Of course, this assumption is false. In fact, the building is surrounded by air, which exerts friction on the falling marble and slows it down.Yet the physicist will correctly point out that friction on the marble is so smallthat its effect is negligible. Assuming the marble falls in a vacuum greatly simplifies the problem without substantially affecting the answer. Economists make assumptions for the same reason: Assumptions can simplifythe complex world and make it easier to understand. To study the effects ofinternational trade, for example, we may assume that the world consists of onlytwo countries and that each country produces only two goods. Of course, thereal world consists of dozens of countries, each of which produces thousands ofdifferent types of goods. But by assuming two countries and two goods, we canfocus our thinking on the essence of the problem. Once we understand international trade in an imaginary world with two countries and two goods, we are ina better position to understand international trade in the more complex world inwhich we live. The art in scientific thinking-whether in physics, biology, or economics-isdeciding which assumptions to make. Suppose, for instance, that we were drop-ping a beachball rather than a marble from the top of the building. Our physicistwould realize that the assumption of no friction is far less accurate in this case:Friction exerts a greater force on a beachball than on a marble because a beach-ball is much larger. The assumption that gravity works in a vacuum is reasonable for studying a falling marble but not for studying a falling beachball. Similarly, economists use different assumptions to answer different questions.Suppose that we want to study what happens to the economy when the government changes the number of dollars in circulation. An important piece of thisanalysis, it turns out, is how prices respond. Many prices in the economy changeinfrequently; the newsstand prices of magazines, for instance, change only everyfew years. Knowing this fact may lead us to make different assumptions whenstudying the effects of the policy change over different time horizons. For studying the short-run effects of the policy, we may assume that prices do not changemuch. We may even make the extreme and artificial assumption that all pricesare completely fixed. For studying the long-run effects of the policy, however,we may assume that all prices are completely flexible. Just as a physicist usesdifferent assumptions when studying falling marbles and falling beachballs,economists use different assumptions when studying the short-run and long-runeffects of a change in the quantity of money.

編輯推薦

《經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)原理:微觀部分(第4版)(英文版)》適用于經(jīng)濟(jì)管理類本科生、研究生及MBA學(xué)生，也可作為經(jīng)營管理人員的經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)指導(dǎo)書。《經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)原理:微觀部分(第4版)(英文版)》中還提供了大量案例，以說明經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)原理在現(xiàn)實(shí)經(jīng)濟(jì)生活中的應(yīng)用。

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