國(guó)家安全的文化

前言

The revolutionary changes that have marked world politics in recent yearsoffer scholars an extraordinary opportunity for reflection and critical selfappraisal. This is true, in particular, for scholars of international relations.One observer has likened the embarrassment that the end of the Cold Warcaused us as scholars of international relations and national security to theeffects the sinking of the Titanic had on the profession of naval engineers.Although our analytical coordinates for gauging global politics have provento be inadequate for an analysis of a world in rapid change, there has beenremarkably little rethinking of our categories of analysis. Instead, in the firsthalf of the 1990s North American scholarship on the theory of internationalrelations was preoccupied with the issue of whether variants of realism or liberalism offered a superior way for explaining the world. Considering the dramatic international developments occurring during these years, many of theacademic debates looked arcane to the interested bystander. For it is hard todeny that existing theories of international relations have woefully fallenshort in explaining an important revolution in world politics.

內(nèi)容概要

本書為國(guó)際關(guān)系學(xué)經(jīng)典名著，建構(gòu)主義國(guó)際關(guān)系流派代表作之一。在本書中，16位重要學(xué)者將社會(huì)學(xué)與安全研究進(jìn)行了創(chuàng)新性的融合，從規(guī)范、認(rèn)同的角度出發(fā)集中分析了世界政治中的安全議題，對(duì)現(xiàn)實(shí)主義和自由主義的學(xué)術(shù)觀點(diǎn)進(jìn)行了評(píng)析和發(fā)展，成為后來建構(gòu)主義國(guó)際關(guān)系學(xué)的“里程碑”。

作者簡(jiǎn)介

彼得·卡贊斯坦（Peter J．Katzenstein），美國(guó)哈佛大學(xué)博士（1973年），現(xiàn)任康奈爾大學(xué)Walter S.Carpente，Jr國(guó)際關(guān)系學(xué)教授。曾任著名的《國(guó)際組織》雜志主編，為國(guó)際關(guān)系學(xué)建構(gòu)主義流派的重要代表人物之一，與現(xiàn)實(shí)主義流派的重要代表斯蒂芬·克拉斯納和新自由主義流派的重要代表羅伯特·基歐漢并稱為“三K”。他著述甚豐，其中包括《文化規(guī)范與國(guó)家安全：戰(zhàn)后日本的警察與軍隊(duì)》、《世界市場(chǎng)中的小國(guó)：歐洲的工業(yè)政策》、《社團(tuán)主義與變革：奧地利、瑞士和工業(yè)政治》、《網(wǎng)絡(luò)權(quán)力：日本與亞洲》、《被馴服的大國(guó)：德國(guó)在歐洲》等。

書籍目錄

Preface1. Introduction: Alternative Perspectives on National Security　Peter J. Katzenstein　Why Traditional National Security Issues?　Existing Analytical Perspectives　Cultural-Institutional Context and Political Identity　Why Bother?2. Norms, Identity, and Culture in National Security　Ronald L. Jepperson, Alexander Wendt, and Peter J. Katzenstein　Analytical Context　Theoretical Perspectives　Arguments　Methodological and Metatheoretic Matters　Extension and ConclusionPART I. Norms and National Security　3. Status, Norms, and the Proliferation of Conventional Weapons:　　An Institutional Theory Approach　　Dana P. Eyre and Mark C. Suchman　　Standard Explanations for the Proliferation of Weaponry　　An Alternative Perspective: Obligatory Action and an　　Institutional Theory of Weapons Proliferation　　Hypotheses　　Research Design, Data, and Methods of Analysis　　Results　4. Norms and Deterrence: The Nuclear and Chemical Weapons Taboos　　Richard Price and Nina Tannenwald　　The Social Construction of Deterrence　　The Chemical Weapons Taboo　　The Non-use of Nuclear Weapons　　Norms, Constructivism, and Explanation　5. Constructing Norms of Humanitarian Intervention　　Martha Finnemore　  Using Norms to Understand International Politics　　Humanitarian Intervention in the Nineteenth Century　　The Expansion of "Humanity" and Sovereignty　　Humanitarian Intervention Since 1945　6. Culture and French Military Doctrine Before World WarII　　Hizabeth Kier　　Alternative Explanations　　The Cultural Roots of Doctrinal Decisions　　The Cultural Roots of French Doctrine　7. Cultural Realism and Strategy in Maoist China　　Alastair lain Johnston　　Why China?　　Some Conceptual and Methodological Issues　　The Maoist Central Paradigm　　Strategic Preference Rankings　　Chinese Conflict Behavior　　Problems of AnalysisPART 2. Identity and National Security　8. Identity, Norms, and National Security: The Soviet Foreign Policy　　Revolution and the End of the Cold War　　Robert G. Herman　　Realist and Liberal Explanations　……PART 3 Implications and ConclusionsIndexAn Ideas and Identity Framework

章節(jié)摘錄

As in the previous case, there were nonhumanitarian reasons to intervene, but if territorial issues were the only ones that mattered, the Tanzanians could have either stopped at the border, having evicted Ugandanforces, or pushed them back into Uganda short of Kampala. The explicitstatement of intent to topple the regime seems out of proportion to thelowlevel territorial squabble. Fernando Tes6n makes a strong case thatNyerere's intense dislike of Amin's regime and its practices influenced thescale of the response. Nyerere had already publicly called Amin a murderand refused to sit with him on the Authority of the East African Community.55 Tes6n also presents strong evidence that the lack of support ormaterial help for Uganda in this intervention from the UN, the OAU, or anystate besides Libya suggests tacit international acceptance of what wouldotherwise be universally condemned as international aggression because ofthe human rights record of the target state.56Despite evidence of humanitarian motivations, Tanzania never claimedhumanitarian justification. In fact, Tanzania went out of her way to minimize responsibility for the felicitous humanitarian outcome of heractions, saying only that she was acting in response to Amin's invasion andthat her actions just happened to coincide with a revolt against Amininside Uganda. When Sudan and Nigeria criticized Tanzania for interfering in another state's internal affairs in violation of the OAU charter, it wasthe new Ugandan regime that invoked humanitarian justifications forTanzania's actions. It criticized the critics, arguing that members of theOAU should not "hide behind the formula of nonintervention whenhuman rights are blatantly being violated."57

媒體關(guān)注與評(píng)論

一本開拓性的著作，第一次試圖將建構(gòu)主義的研究方法引入安全研究中……這本書毫無疑問會(huì)成為國(guó)際關(guān)系理論的一部新的經(jīng)典之作?！　　氐隆せ羝辗颍═ed Hopf）。密歇根大學(xué)[這本書]占據(jù)了重要的理論位置，并且將一批年輕的“新思想家們”帶入安全研究這一面臨巨大變革的領(lǐng)域?！　　獑淌鎭啞じ?duì)柎奶梗↗oshua Goldstein），美國(guó)大學(xué)

編輯推薦

《國(guó)家安全的文化:世界政治中的規(guī)范與認(rèn)同》內(nèi)容為：The revolutionary changes that have marked world politics in recent yearsoffer scholars an extraordinary opportunity for reflection and critical selfappraisal. This is true, in particular, for scholars of international relations.One observer has likened the embarrassment that the end of the Cold Warcaused us as scholars of international relations and national security to theeffects the sinking of the Titanic had on the profession of naval engineers.Although our analytical coordinates for gauging global politics have provento be inadequate for an analysis of a world in rapid change, there has beenremarkably little rethinking of our categories of analysis.

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