出版時(shí)間:2013-4 出版社:天津人民出版社
Tag標(biāo)簽:無
前言
As things now stand, the course of instruction in American history in our public schools embraces three distinct treatments of the subject. Three separate books are used. First, there is the primary book, which is usually a very condensed narrative with emphasis on biographies and anecdotes.Second, there is the advanced text for the seventh or eighth grade, generally speaking, an expansion of the elementary book by the addition of forty or fifty thousand words. Finally, there is the high school manual. This, too, ordinarily follows the beaten path, giving fuller accounts of the same events and characters. To put it bluntly, we do not assume that our children obtain permanent possessions from their study of history in the lower grades. If mathematicians followed the same method, high school texts on algebra and geometry would include the multiplication table and fractions.There is, of course, a ready answer to the criticism advanced above. It is that teachers have learned from bitter experience how little history their pupils retain as they pass along the regular route. No teacher of history will deny this. Still it is a standing challenge to existing methods of historical instruction. If the study of history cannot be made truly progressive like the study of mathematics, science, and languages, then the historians assume a grave responsibility in adding their subject to the already overloaded curriculum. If the successive historical texts are only enlarged editions of the first text—more facts, more dates, more words—then history deserves most of the sharp criticism which it is receiving from teachers of science, civics, and economics.In this condition of affairs we find our justification for offering a new high school text in American history. Our first contribution is one of omission. The time-honored stories of exploration and the biographies of heroes are left out. We frankly hold that, if pupils know little or nothing about Columbus, Cortes, Magellan, or Captain John Smith by the time they reach the high school, it is useless to tell the same stories for perhaps the fourth time. It is worse than useless. It is an offense against the teachers of those subjects that are demonstrated to be progressive in character.In the next place we have omitted all descriptions of battles. Our reasons for this are simple. The strategy of a campaign or of a single battle is a highly technical, and usually a highly controversial, matter about which experts differ widely. In the field of military and naval operations most writers and teachers of history are mere novices. To dispose of Gettysburg or the Wilderness in ten lines or ten pages is equally absurd to the serious student of military affairs. Any one who compares the ordinary textbook account of a single Civil War campaign with the account given by Ropes, for instance, will ask for no further comment. No youth called upon to serve our country in arms would think of turning to a high school manual for information about the art of warfare. The dramatic scene or episode, so useful in arousing the interest of the immature pupil, seems out of place in a book that deliberately appeals to boys and girls on the very threshold of life's serious responsibilities.It is not upon negative features, however, that we rest our case. It is rather upon constructive features.First. We have written a topical, not a narrative, history. We have tried to set forth the important aspects, problems, and movements of each period, bringing in the narrative rather by way of illustration.Second. We have emphasized those historical topics which help to explain how our nation has come to be what it is to-day.Third. We have dwelt fully upon the social and economic aspects of our history, especially in relation to the politics of each period.Fourth. We have treated the causes and results of wars, the problems of financing and sustaining armed forces, rather than military strategy. These are the subjects which belong to a history for civilians. These are matters which civilians can understand—matters which they must understand, if they are to play well their part in war and peace.Fifth. By omitting the period of exploration, we have been able to enlarge the treatment of our own time. We have given special attention to the history of those current questions which must form the subject matter of sound instruction in citizenship.Sixth. We have borne in mind that America, with all her unique characteristics, is a part of a general civilization. Accordingly we have given diplomacy, foreign affairs, world relations, and the reciprocal influences of nations their appropriate place.Seventh. We have deliberately aimed at standards of maturity. The study of a mere narrative calls mainly for the use of the memory. We have aimed to stimulate habits of analysis, comparison, association, reflection, and generalization—habits calculated to enlarge as well as inform the mind.We have been at great pains to make our text clear, simple, and direct; but we have earnestly sought to stretch the intellects of our readers—to put them upon their mettle. Most of them will receive the last of their formal instruction in the high school. The world will soon expect maturity from them. Their achievements will depend upon the possession of other powers than memory alone. The effectiveness of their citizenship in our republic will be measured by the excellence of their judgment as well as the fullness of their information.C.A.B.M.R.B.NEW YORK CITY
內(nèi)容概要
《美國(guó)歷史(英文版)》繼哈佛大學(xué)著名歷史學(xué)家錢寧的《美國(guó)學(xué)生歷史》(英漢雙語版)出版問市后,受到眾多讀者歡迎,不少讀者期望能買到英文原版關(guān)于美國(guó)歷史的教材,《美國(guó)歷史》正是為滿足這部分讀者純英文閱讀的需求。
這本全英文版的《美國(guó)歷史》由美國(guó)著名歷史學(xué)家比爾德編寫,以西方人的視角,深入淺出地介紹了從殖民地時(shí)期到世界大戰(zhàn)期間美國(guó)歷史上的重大事件與文明發(fā)展。《美國(guó)歷史》按不同歷史時(shí)期,分知識(shí)點(diǎn),一一講述,便于理解記憶。為使讀者更好地理解和掌握各章的重點(diǎn)和難點(diǎn),每章末尾還附有練習(xí)題和思考題。文中還配有相應(yīng)的插圖,便于對(duì)不同地域和各個(gè)時(shí)期人物及事件有更直觀感受。通過閱讀《美國(guó)歷史》,能理清美國(guó)歷史發(fā)展脈絡(luò),獲得對(duì)美國(guó)歷史全景式認(rèn)知,從而能更好地了解美國(guó)這個(gè)社會(huì)和文化多元的國(guó)家。
《美國(guó)歷史(英文版)》適合高中以上讀者閱讀使用,對(duì)于備考SAT的學(xué)生應(yīng)該很有幫助。全書提供配套英文朗讀下載,在提升閱讀水平的同時(shí)練習(xí)英文聽力與口語。對(duì)于普通英語學(xué)習(xí)愛好者,也是一本很好的了解美國(guó)歷史的學(xué)習(xí)讀本。作者在前言中,對(duì)《美國(guó)歷史》的特點(diǎn)作了如下介紹:
It is not upon negative features, however, that we rest our case. It is rather upon constructive features.
First. We have written a topical, not a narrative, history. We have tried to set forth the important aspects, problems, and movements of each period, bringing in the narrative rather by way of illustration.
Second. We have emphasized those historical topics which help to explain how our nation has come to be what it is to-day.
Third. We have dwelt fully upon the social and economic aspects of our history, especially in relation to the politics of each period.
Fourth. We have treated the causes and results of wars, the problems of financing and sustaining armed forces, rather than military strategy. These are the subjects, which belong to a history for civilians. These are matters which civilians can understand—matters which they must understand, if they are to play well their part in war and peace.
Fifth. By omitting the period of exploration, we have been able to enlarge the treatment of our own time. We have given special attention to the history of those current questions which must form the subject matter of sound instruction in citizenship.
Sixth. We have borne in mind that America, with all her unique characteristics, is a part of a general civilization. Accordingly we have given diplomacy, foreign affairs, world relations, and the reciprocal influences of nations their appropriate place.
Seventh. We have deliberately aimed at standards of maturity.
The study of a mere narrative calls mainly for the use of the memory. We have aimed to stimulate habits of analysis, comparison, association, reflection, and generalization—habits calculated to enlarge as well as inform the mind. We have been at great pains to make our text clear, simple, and direct; but we have earnestly sought to stretch the intellects of our readers— to put them upon their mettle. Most of them will receive the last of their formal instruction in the high school. The world will soon expect maturity from them. Their achievements will depend upon the possession of other powers than memory alone. The effectiveness of their citizenship in our republic will be measured by the excellence of their judgment as well as the fullness of their information。
作者簡(jiǎn)介
作者:(美國(guó))查爾斯?A?比爾德 (美國(guó))瑪麗?R?比爾德查爾斯?A?比爾德,美國(guó)著名歷史學(xué)家,去世于1948年。他寫作的《美國(guó)文明的興起》一書,被商務(wù)印書館翻譯出版并選入“漢譯名著”系列。Charles Austin Beard (November 27, 1874—September 1, 1948) was an American historian. He published hundreds of monographs, textbooks and interpretive studies in both history and political science. His works included radical re-evaluation of the Founding Fathers of the United States, whom he believed were more motivated by economics than by philosophical principles。Mary Ritter Beard (August 5, 1876—August 14, 1958) was an influential American historian and archivist , who played an important role in the women's suffrage movement and was a lifelong advocate for social justice through educational and activist roles in both the labor and woman's rights movements. She wrote several books on women's role in history including On Understanding Women (1931), America Through Women's Eyes (1933) and Woman As Force In History: A Study in Traditions and Realities (1946). In addition, she collaborated with her husband, eminent historian Charles Austin Beard on several distinguished works, most notably The Rise of American Civilization (1927)。
書籍目錄
PART I. THE COLONIAL PERIOD1 THE GREAT MIGRATION TO AMERICA 0012 COLONIAL AGRICULTURE, INDUSTRY, AND COMMERCE 0143 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL PROGRESS 0264 THE DEVELOPMENT OF COLONIAL NATIONALISM 039PART II. CONFLICT AND INDEPENDENCE5 THE NEW COURSE IN BRITISH IMPERIAL POLICY 0546 THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 070PART III. FOUNDATIONS OF THE UNION AND NATIONAL POLITICS7 THE FORMATION OF THE CONSTITUTION 0998 THE CLASH OF POLITICAL PARTIES 1159 THE JEFFERSONIAN REPUBLICANS IN POWER 132PART IV. THE WEST AND JACKSONIAN DEMOCRACY10 THE FARMERS BEYOND THE APPALACHIANS 15511 JACKSONIAN DEMOCRACY 17012 THE MIDDLE BORDER AND THE GREAT WEST 194PART V. SECTIONAL CONFLICT AND RECONSTRUCTION13 THE RISE OF THE INDUSTRIAL SYSTEM 21114 THE PLANTING SYSTEM AND NATIONAL POLITICS 22615 THE CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION 245PART VI. NATIONAL GROWTH AND WORLD POLITICS16 THE POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC EVOLUTION OF THE SOUTH 27017 BUSINESS ENTERPRISE AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 28518 THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE GREAT WEST 30219 DOMESTIC ISSUES BEFORE THE COUNTRY (1865-1897) 32220 AMERICA A WORLD POWER (1865-1900) 340PART VII. PROGRESSIVE DEMOCRACY AND THE WORLD WAR21 THE EVOLUTION OF REPUBLICAN POLICIES (1901-1913) 36222 THE SPIRIT OF REFORM IN AMERICA 38223 THE NEW POLITICAL DEMOCRACY 39524 INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY 40625 PRESIDENT WILSON AND THE WORLD WAR 418
章節(jié)摘錄
CHAPTER 1THE GREAT MIGRATION TO AMERICAThe tide of migration that set in toward the shores of North America during the early years of the seventeenth century was but one phase in the restless and eternal movement of mankind upon the surface of the earth. The ancient Greeks flung out their colonies in every direction, westward as far as Gaul, across the Mediterranean, and eastward into Asia Minor, perhaps to the very confines of India. The Romans, supported by their armies and their government, spread their dominion beyond the narrow lands of Italy until it stretched from the heather of Scotland to the sands of Arabia. The Teutonic tribes, from their home beyond the Danube and the Rhine, poured into the empire of the C?sars and made the beginnings of modern Europe. Of this great sweep of races and empires the settlement of America was merely a part. And it was, moreover, only one aspect of the expansion which finally carried the peoples, the institutions, and the trade of Europe to the very ends of the earth.In one vital point, it must be noted, American colonization differed from that of the ancients. The Greeks usually carried with them affection for the government they left behind and sacred fire from the altar of the parent city; but thousands of the immigrants who came to America disliked the state and disowned the church of the mother country. They established compacts of government for themselves and set up altars of their own. They sought not only new soil to till but also political and religious liberty for themselves and their children.The Agencies of American Colonization It was no light matter for the English to cross three thousand miles of water and found homes in the American wilderness at the opening of the seventeenth century. Ships, tools, and supplies called for huge outlays of money. Stores had to be furnished in quantities sufficient to sustain the life of the settlers until they could gather harvests of their own. Artisans and laborers of skill and industry had to be induced to risk the hazards of the new world. Soldiers were required for defense and mariners for the exploration of inland waters. Leaders of good judgment, adept in managing men, had to be discovered. Altogether such an enterprise demanded capital larger than the ordinary merchant or gentleman could amass and involved risks more imminent than he dared to assume. Though in later days, after initial tests had been made, wealthy proprietors were able to establish colonies on their own account, it was the corporation that furnished the capital and leadership in the beginning.The Trading Company.—English pioneers in exploration found an instrument for colonization in companies of merchant adventurers, which had long been employed in carrying on commerce with foreign countries. Such a corporation was composed of many persons of different ranks of society—noblemen, merchants, and gentlemen—who banded together for a particular undertaking, each contributing a sum of money and sharing in the profits of the venture. It was organized under royal authority; it received its charter, its grant of land, and its trading privileges from the king and carried on its operations under his supervision and control. The charter named all the persons originally included in the corporation and gave them certain powers in the management of its affairs, including the right to admit new members. The company was in fact a little government set up by the king. When the members of the corporation remained in England, as in the case of the Virginia Company, they operated through agents sent to the colony. When they came over the seas themselves and settled in America, as in the case of Massachusetts, they became the direct government of the country they possessed. The stockholders in that instance became the voters and the governor, the chief magistrate.Four of the thirteen colonies in America owed their origins to the trading corporation. It was the London Company, created by King James I, in 1606, that laid during the following year the foundations of Virginia at Jamestown. It was under the auspices of their West India Company, chartered in 1621, that the Dutch planted the settlements of the New Netherland in the valley of the Hudson. The founders of Massachusetts were Puritan leaders and men of affairs whom King Charles I incorporated in 1629 under the title: “The governor and company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England.” In this case the law did but incorporate a group drawn together by religious ties. “We must be knit together as one man,” wrote John Winthrop, the first Puritan governor in America. Far to the south, on the banks of the Delaware River, a Swedish commercial company in 1638 made the beginnings of a settlement, christened New Sweden; it was destined to pass under the rule of the Dutch, and finally under the rule of William Penn as the proprietary colony of Delaware.In a certain sense, Georgia may be included among the “company colonies.” It was, however, originally conceived by the moving spirit, James Oglethorpe, as an asylum for poor men, especially those imprisoned for debt. To realize this humane purpose, he secured from King George II, in 1732, a royal charter uniting several gentlemen, including himself, into “one body politic and corporate,” known as the “Trustees for establishing the colony of Georgia in America.” In the structure of their organization and their methods of government, the trustees did not differ materially from the regular companies created for trade and colonization. Though their purposes were benevolent, their transactions had to be under the forms of law and according to the rules of business.
編輯推薦
《美國(guó)歷史(英文版)》是美國(guó)著名歷史學(xué)家比爾德為美國(guó)中學(xué)生寫作的一本歷史讀本,曾在美國(guó)學(xué)校使用并受到歡迎。全書根據(jù)美歷史的不同階段,劃分為七個(gè)部分,從美洲大陸的發(fā)現(xiàn)到世界大戰(zhàn),共29篇。每一篇章歸納出若干知識(shí)點(diǎn),便于學(xué)習(xí)理解。章節(jié)后面附有總結(jié)與討論話題,引導(dǎo)讀者進(jìn)一步探討與發(fā)現(xiàn)?!睹绹?guó)歷史(英文版)》全英文文本,配合下載的朗讀文件,對(duì)國(guó)內(nèi)讀者全提升英語更有很大幫助。SAT考試參考讀本,配套純正美語朗讀免費(fèi)下載。
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